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47 pages 1 hour read

Kim E. Nielsen

A Disability History of the United States

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2012

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Themes

The Changing Definitions and Perceptions of Disability

Content Warning: This section discusses ableism, racism, enslavement, and mental illness. The source text’s use of outdated and offensive terms is replicated only in quotations.

One of the primary themes running throughout A Disability History of the United States is the changing definitions and perceptions of disability. While today, disability is thought of in very broad terms, the definition and perception of disability was once very narrow. Today, a disability is considered any condition that impairs one from doing certain activities and having equitable access in society. These conditions may be physical, sensory, cognitive, developmental, intellectual, or mental, and they may be readily visible or invisible to others. According to Nielsen, however, the primary definition of disability in the US historically was simply the inability to perform labor. Throughout her work, Nielsen alludes to this historical definition several times. In Chapter 2, for example, she explains that in the early colonial period, little attention was paid to bodily variations “as long as one could labor” (26). She also argues that, in regard to Europeans colonizing North America, “disability was defined as the inability to ‘maintain’ oneself economically, and those unable to do so were discouraged from ever boarding ship for North America” (27).

Another example of the changing definitions and perceptions of disability is that which came after the Civil War, as it related to disability pensions for veterans. Nielsen notes in Chapter 5 that the pension system “once again defined disability as incapacity to perform manual labor” (86), and qualifying for these pensions became increasingly reliant on medical determinations. This meant that people with disabilities who did labor for wages became increasingly disregarded as a contradiction in terms, “for they didn’t fit the preconception of someone with a disability” (86). Decades later, around the turn of the 20th century, as concerns grew about mass immigration and the changing nature of America’s citizenry, the standard definition of disability as the inability to perform labor was used as a way to restrict immigration. The “likely to become a public charge,” or LPC, clause was used often to reject potential immigrants who were deemed “defective” physically or mentally (108). In Chapter 6, Nielsen argues that the LPC clause “clearly assumed that bodies considered defective rendered them unable to perform wage-earning labor” (108).

The definition of disability that existed from the late colonial period into the 20th century, the inability to perform manual labor, was much different from the one that existed with Indigenous peoples in North America, as were the perceptions of disability. In Chapter 1, Nielsen examines disability in Indigenous cultures in North America and argues that although there was no concept of disability, most believed that “disability” only occurred “when someone lacked or had weak community relationships” (3). Because of the Indigenous belief in the “interwoven nature of body, mind, and spirit” (3), there was no stigma associated with what today would be considered a disability. The institution of slavery and the slave trade convey the social stigma associated with disability throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries. Nielsen explains in Chapter 3 that “the racist ideology of slavery held that Africans brought to North America were by definition disabled” (42). Apologists for slavery used this belief to legitimize it, even arguing that slavery was beneficial to enslaved people because their bodies and minds were disabled to the extent that they needed care.

The Impact of Legislation and Policy on Individuals With Disabilities

The impact of legislation and policy on individuals with disabilities is another overarching theme running throughout A Disability History of the United States. Legislation and policies have impacted individuals with disabilities since the colonial period. The earliest example of this is likely the male disabled veterans’ benefit established by European settlers in North America in 1636, promising that “if any that shall goe returne maimed [and] hurt he shalbe mayntayned competently by the Colony during his life” (21). Similarly, disability pensions for Revolutionary War veterans became official policy when the Revolutionary War Pension Act of 1818 “established disability as a legal and social welfare category” (54). A number of pieces of legislation and policies aimed at veterans with disabilities were enacted during the Civil War. In 1863, for example, President Lincoln and the War Department established the Invalid Corps, which was designed “to release able-bodied men for fighting while using disabled veterans for other labor” (82). Section 1754, a federal measure passed in 1865, gave preferences to veterans with disabilities in civil service jobs, and the veterans’ pension program, which had expanded significantly from the Revolutionary War to the Civil War, “provided vital support for many veterans and their families” (86).

Legislation and policy have impacted people with disabilities in a number of ways. In the early 20th century, for example, concern about the types of people who were immigrating to the United States led to restrictive immigration policies that deemed people with disabilities “defective” and “undesirable.” Similar concerns about the types of people already within the nation’s borders and a growing embrace of eugenics—or “the belief that the way to improve society is through better human breeding practices so that only those with ‘positive’ hereditary traits reproduce” (101)—led to forced sterilization laws in 37 states. Nielsen argues that

the question of how best to maintain the nation has dominated all eras of US history. In the Progressive Era, perhaps more than in any other, however, that meant surveillance and containment of bodies considered deviant or degenerative. Policies were put in place to carefully monitor the bodies of those entering the United States and sterilize the deviant bodies of those already within the nation’s gates (129).

Nielsen indicates that the legislation and policies impacting people with disabilities were deeply tied to popular conceptions about the “ideal American.” This ideal played a part in shaping norms about who was worthy of certain rights and privileges. As a result, legislation and policies concerning people with disabilities were often exclusionary and did not extend equal rights and privileges to people with disabilities on the grounds that they deviated from the norm of the “ideal American.”

The Intersectionality of Disability With Race, Gender, and Class

Nielsen demonstrates that disability has intersected with race, gender, and class many times throughout American history. In Chapter 6, when discussing the policies put in place to monitor the bodies of immigrants entering the United States and to forcibly sterilize the “deviant” bodies of those already in the United States, Nielsen argues that “sexuality, class, race, gender, and ethnicity forcibly intersected with notions of disability and quality citizenship” (129). The categorization of bodies as “undesirable” and thus ineligible to enter the United States was based not only on disability but also on race and ethnicity, as all Africans, Asians, and South Americans were restricted, as well as on gender and class. In 1891, the “likely to become a public charge,” or LPC, clause replaced the phrase “unable to take care of himself or herself,” and years later, Congress specified those with epilepsy, “imbeciles,” and “feeble-minded persons” as potential immigrants who were restricted (103). Nielsen also explains that class mattered in immigration restrictions, as “first class passengers experienced far less scrutiny” (104). Likewise, “the LPC clause set gendered requirements of appropriate womanhood that, depending on class, ethnicity, and race, domestic women did not have to meet” (110).

In the final chapter of her work, Nielsen examines the disability rights movement of the late 1960s and 1970s, focusing specifically on how it “intersected with and borrowed from the free speech, antiwar, feminist, and racial freedom movements” (168). Nielsen illustrates the intersection of disability and class through the labor activism in southern West Virginia in the late 1960s when the Disabled Miners and Widows of Southern West Virginia organized a wildcat strike involving as many as 40,000 coal miners. Like others in the disability rights movement over the next decade, the Disabled Miners and Widows organization became activists by using the language of “rights” and discrimination” and employing the same protest methods as civil rights protestors in the racial freedom movement and feminists in the gender equality movement (160). As Nielsen shows, disability has intersected with race, gender, and class not simply because people with disabilities are of different races, genders, and social classes, but rather because oppression and discrimination of people with disabilities has paralleled oppression and discrimination based on race, gender, and class.

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