120 pages • 4 hours read
Howard ZinnA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more. For select classroom titles, we also provide Teaching Guides with discussion and quiz questions to prompt student engagement.
Popular historical narratives of American history often emphasize celebrated heroes. These figures are often white men who had positions of power and privilege in society, and people of color or women who advanced societal values that Americans now observe. Part of what Zinn aims to do in A Young People’s History of the United States is problematize the concept of heroism by exploring lesser-known, controversial, or troubling aspects of some major American heroes.
Zinn addresses this practice directly in his brief introduction:
I am not worried about disillusioning young people by pointing to the flaws in the traditional heroes. We should be able to tell the truth about people whom we have been taught to look upon as heroes, but who really don’t deserve that admiration (xi).
He immediately lists Columbus as a prime example, citing the “rampage of violence” he unleashed “to find gold” (xi). Among other problematic heroes, Zinn names Andrew Jackson, whose treatment of Native Americans was abhorrent, and Theodore Roosevelt, who ushered in an era of American occupation abroad. However, Zinn doesn’t completely quash the idea of heroes; he aims to highlight underappreciated ones. Instead of revering Columbus, he posits, we should respect the legacy of Spanish priest Bartolomé de Las Casas, who chronicled Spanish cruelty toward the Indigenous peoples that Spain encountered in the Americas. Zinn’s other heroes include the Cherokee Indians for their resistance to colonialism in their homelands and American author Mark Twain for his open criticism of American policy. These examples and Zinn’s set of alternative heroes show that US history is complicated. Probing further than into these examples further illustrates this complexity: For instance, de Las Casas was part of a colonial machine even though he criticized it—and he once supported the international trade in enslaved people and justified the system of slavery as a whole. The Cherokee Nation adopted the practice of African slavery, though outsiders imposed colonial systems on them in the first place. Mark Twain expressed ethnocentric views about civilization regarding American Indians, though he also satirized Americans’ treatment of African Americans. Many people are worthy of celebration, but context is necessary to fully appreciate any person’s contributions, legacies, and flaws.
Several good examples of Zinn’s approach to recognizing heroes are the author’s interpretations of former US presidents. Zinn relays that George Washington—perhaps the most revered US president of all time—both denied enslaved people the option to fight in the Revolutionary War in exchange for their freedom and executed soldiers who mutinied during the war in New Jersey as “an example” (75, 79) to other would-be critics of the war effort. The complication of heroes extends beyond individuals to large causes and movements: Zinn explains how few colonists supported the Revolutionary War; the rich avoided being drafted while the poor could not—and power essentially shifted from a self-interested ruling elite in England to one in the colonies. Zinn says that even colonists at the time noted, “Whether or not the colonies won independence from Britain, they would still be ruled by a political elite” (75). This retelling of the American Revolution is not as romantic or celebratory as the storylines common in American popular culture or even most standard educational materials that depict the era, particularly if they were created before the 21st century.
Bigotry in several forms has structured American culture, society, and politics for centuries. Chapter 2 opens with the statement, “In the history of the world, there is no country where racism has been more important than in the United States” (23). Zinn devotes other chapters to the devastating impact of colonialism on Indigenous American populations (a system related to racism), on the poor (and the extent to which the rich exploited poor people or left them unprotected at many moments throughout history), and on women, who in early American history could legally be beaten and punished by their husbands and for many years could not own property or vote.
This intentional social hierarchy was carefully crafted and maintained, a fact evident in the foundational documents of the US: “The Declaration of Independence,” the book explains, “limited life, liberty, and happiness to white males” (69). Demographics beyond this small group had to continually challenge the standing legal system and status quo to enter politics and overcome second-class status.
One of the most wholesale challenges to structural inequality was the American Civil War. Although President Lincoln articulated that his purpose for engaging in direct warfare with the Confederacy was to maintain the Union, the issue at the center of the debate was the future of slavery as the country continued to grow. As the war progressed, the moral realm of the issue became an increasingly larger concern, especially among Black abolitionists, who had personally experienced slavery and racism. “Slavery was so well established,” Zinn writes, “that only something enormous—something like a full-scale war—could end it” (135). Ending slavery, however, did not end anti-Black racism or truly usher in a new age of racial equality. Maintaining power and capital, white Southerners reestablished a post-war economy that shared many similarities with slavery. Freed but not given any land or capital, Black people had to rely on former enslavers for work. White plantation owners became oppressive property owners and renters. Structural change required more than military defeat of the Confederacy.
Zinn repeatedly emphasizes throughout the book—particularly in discussing history after the 1880s—that the government protects the interests of the rich at the expense of the poor. By the end of the 20th century, the political party in power was immaterial. Americans could expect similar national priorities and policies no matter who was in charge. Politicians from both major parties missed opportunities for bold change to address structural inequality.
In many ways, Zinn’s historical narrative centers on capitalism and challenges to it. In example after example, he explains that an underlying commitment to capitalism among the country’s ruling elite was the determining factor in American political and economic systems. He tracks socialist challenges to capitalism’s stronghold over the course of the 18th and 19th centuries—challenges that had moments of strength and visibility but never the influence to overthrow the existing power structure. Zinn emphasizes that capitalism wins out and maintains its grip on American society despite the many challenges to it and criticisms of it.
The text first mentions capitalism by name in Chapter 9, which covers the American Civil War. Many historians have described the ways that the international trade in enslaved people before then represented the rise of global capitalism. Zinn describes capitalism as an economic system “in which private individuals or companies, rather than the state, own the farms and factories, set prices and compete with each other in the marketplace, and accumulate wealth” (152). Already in the years after the Civil War, Americans (particularly those that faced systematic roadblocks to acquiring any wealth, or “capital,” like Black Americans) questioned the ethics and validity of such a system, although capitalism strengthened before the turn of the 20th century and solidified as a guiding principle in American politics and society.
The only alterations the government made to the system were minor and calculated. For example, “The Sherman Anti-Trust Act was designed to reform the capitalist system just enough to prevent socialism or communism from taking hold among the workers and poor” (177). Of course, even in this case, the Supreme Court soon “interpreted the act in a way that made it meaningless” (177).
When a rivalry between the US and the Soviet Union accelerated during the Cold War, voicing opposition to capitalism or aligning oneself with a left-wing political movement became particularly dangerous. The US had an articulated commitment to capitalism at home and abroad and had fought proxy wars (in Korea and Vietnam) to try to maintain capitalistic spheres of influence and prevent the spread of communism. Zinn points out that the link between capitalists and politicians, established early in the nation’s history, persists into the 21st century: “The power of corporations on the White House is a fact of the American political system” (339).
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