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Assata ShakurA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
After high school, Shakur decided she wanted to join the workforce immediately and moved out on her own. She worked in an office for a while and was grateful for the work until she came to understand the reality of her working conditions, which featured “low pay, indecent working conditions, no medical benefits, only one week vacation” (149). She would get into debates with her coworkers, who wanted to talk about the anti-racist uprisings taking place across the nation. While her coworkers passed judgement on “those people” (149), Shakur believed that the “rioters” had just cause for their actions. When she vocalized her dissenting opinion, she was eventually fired.
Shakur also came to learn about the Vietnam War and became increasingly critical of US military efforts abroad. She was challenged in her nascent perspectives about the war by fellow Black students she met at Manhattan Community College, who encouraged her to question US actions in Vietnam. Shakur began to read about the Vietnam War and the history of French colonialism in Vietnam. She became more critical of the US government after that.
While Shakur grew politically through her interactions with the African students, she also differed from them due to her working-class position. She could not relate to them socially, especially when they spoke about material possessions and lifestyle choices that she could not afford. She became critical of the “petty bourgeois upward-bound ‘Negroes’” (156).
Working with a Black employment agency to put together a hiring convention, Shakur expected to be part of a socially beneficial process, helping Black unemployed people find work. However, she realized that the hiring convention was just a cosmetic event and that many Black people who attended still did not have jobs. Disenchanted by formal employment, Shakur decided that she was not going to respect the rules of the formal workforce. She lied about her background for every subsequent job and taught herself the skills to do the work until she was found out.
One of Shakur’s friends pressured her to go back to school. She was resistant at first but realized she needed a change. When she realized that she could not continue living the way she did, she decided to move back in with her mother and return to school.
On July 19, 1973, Shakur faced trial for an alleged bank robbery in Queens that took place on August 23, 1971. The newspapers had published a picture of a Black woman that was not Shakur, listing her name and a bounty for her arrest. She believed that the FBI had concocted the false story by framing her for another Black woman’s crime. When the court tried to photograph her, they wanted her to wear the wig, glasses, and dress that the woman wore in the photograph, but Shakur knew that they were trying to further incriminate her. She believed, “You put anybody in a monkey suit and they’re gonna end up looking like a monkey” (161). When she refused to be photographed in the manner that the court wanted, the US marshals beat her in public, and Evelyn tried to get all of it on court record.
When Evelyn met with Shakur, she explained that she wanted to use the court transcript to remove the biased judge from the case. Not only did the judge permit Shakur’s mistreatment, but he also stated that he thought she was guilty. Evelyn’s motion to remove the judge was ultimately successful, and a new judge was assigned to the case.
Meanwhile, Shakur faced kidnapping charges for another trial. She was charged alongside Rema Olugbala and Ronald Myers for the kidnapping of a drug dealer that supposedly took place on December 28, 1972. While Shakur knew of Rema through Black Liberation Army organizing efforts, she had no information on Ronald and was suspicious of him at first. Then she learned that he was a young Black activist with a shared political sensibility. Seeing him incriminated in this way further motivated Shakur to seek justice for herself and Black people. Suddenly, the news came that Rema fell to his death while trying to escape from jail. Filled with grief, Shakur had no choice but to move forward with her part in the trial without Rema.
Shakur decided to share her own words in an opening statement. In the statement, she charged the US government with targeting Black and Puerto Rican communities and those they considered “militant” (168). In the media, they represented Shakur and other revolutionaries as “a bunch of white-hating, cop-hating, gun-toting, crazed, fanatical maniacs—fighting for some abstract, misguided cause” (168). She shed perspective on the goals of the Black Liberation Army and other revolutionary struggles for freedom and justice.
When the trial began, it was clear that the FBI and other local New York police had hired witnesses to lie about the kidnapping. The supposed victim, James Freeman, faked his injuries and was exposed on the stand. Finally, the owner of the bar that was the supposed site of the kidnapping explained that there was no possible way for any illicit activity to take place at his establishment because he frequented it every day. With the owner’s testimony, the case fell apart. On December 8, 1975, Shakur and Ronald were acquitted.
When Shakur enrolled in Manhattan Community College as a young adult, she initially intended to major in business and later get a job in marketing and advertising. However, classes in history, psychology, and sociology enriched her political consciousness and changed her career trajectory. She learned in her classes that the Civil War was not fought primarily to free enslaved Black people but for economic purposes. The Civil War took place because the South was flourishing economically due to enslaved labor and wanted to secede. The US government wanted to maintain control over the Southern economy. According to Shakur, the Civil War was “a war between two economic systems” that had little to do with the freedom of Black people (178). Additionally, she learned that US President Abraham Lincoln did not free the slaves because of his compassion for Black people, but rather his emancipation of enslaved people was incidental to the war. This new perspective on US history transformed Shakur’s approach to education.
Since Manhattan Community College had many students of color, there were also many extracurricular activities oriented toward Black interests. Shakur joined the Golden Drums, which was a club for African students. She also was involved with Black Muslims, Garveyites, Malcolm X’s Organization of Afro-American Unity, and many others. With these groups, she participated in actions that defended Black communities against injustice. She learned through these experiences that “Fighting for community control is just the first step” (183). Ultimately, Shakur realized that the only way to establish true systemic change was through “revolution” (183).
In college, Shakur also developed her own political stance. She believed that “there were Black oppressors as well as white ones” and strove for liberation of all marginalized people (190). She learned about communism and socialism but did not feel an affinity with white Marxists who did not see race as part of their struggle. She believed that strategies toward liberation of all marginalized people must include the analysis of race, class, and historical context.
As part of a New Republic of Afrika event, Shakur was given the name Ybumi Oladele. While she liked the name, she did not have a personal connection to it. She decided to call herself Shakur Olugbala Shakur. Shakur means “She who struggles” (186), and Olugbala means “Love for the people” (186). After Zayd’s death, she took the name Shakur, meaning “the thankful,” as a show of respect for him and his family.
At an early age, Shakur joins the workforce and is confronted with a lack of employment opportunities for Black people. Her experiences in the labor market offer further evidence that The Personal and the Political are inextricably intertwined. While she initially feels a sense of enthusiasm for working life—excited to gain experience and independence by providing for herself—she quickly finds that the parameters of her working life are set by her race and gender. In a racist and patriarchal economy, opportunities for Black women are limited. Working to put together a hiring event for Black graduates, she feels a brief sense of purpose in her work. However, after realizing that the event is a “sham” intended to extract money from Black graduates who pay to attend the event, she finds she can no longer rely on the American promise of social equity through hard work alone. There are larger systemic barriers in the way.
While attending college, Shakur’s political consciousness grows in a way that her early school years and work experiences did not permit. This section of the book illustrates the theme of Political Education as an Alternative Education. At Manhattan Community College, Shakur is introduced to perspectives on history and sociology that she has not previously encountered, and she begins to think critically about the narratives advanced in the public, K-12 educational system. Working with fellow activists shifts her perspective even further. She is hungry for “revolution” and understands that change on a large scale must be accompanied by community-oriented action. During her college years, she begins to attend local protests, which help her dream of the possibilities for greater change. She understands that “Fighting for community control is just the first step.” It means a revolution must consist of an accumulation of small actions. If the goal is for marginalized groups to have a sense of autonomy in their lives, this change must begin small.
The juxtaposition of past and present experiences throughout the book demonstrates the process by which Shakur—as an educated Black woman unwilling to sit back and stay silent in the face of systemic injustice—is redefined in the eyes of the legal system and the public as a criminal. Simply by being an active participant in the world, she is representing something revolutionary, and therefore dangerous to the racist status quo.