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65 pages 2 hours read

Bryan Burrough, John Helyar

Barbarians at the Gate: The Fall of RJR Nabisco

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 1989

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Chapters 1-3Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 1 Summary

In 1976, Frederick Ross Johnson, “a shaggy-haired young Canadian,” was the second in command at the food company Standard Brands, where Henry Weigl was the “crusty old chairman” (10). As the personalities of the two leaders clashed, Weigl sought to push Johnson out of the company, precipitating a confrontation that ended with his own ouster and Johnson’s elevation to chief executive.

Born in 1931 in the prairie city of Winnipeg, Canada, during the Great Depression, Johnson came from a lower-middle-class family. The boy proved entrepreneurial from the start, renting out his comic books and working after-school jobs. He went on to attend Winnipeg’s University of Manitoba. For the first 20 years after graduation, Johnson worked in middle management for a variety of Canadian companies, including Canadian General Electric and T. Eaton. At one point, Johnson also taught at the University of Toronto. His business philosophy was “shit shirring,” that is, a “love for constant restructuring and reorganizing” (14).

In the early 1970s, Johnson oversaw Standard Brands, an American company, in Montreal. The company was “hopelessly outdated” (15), and Johnson radically transformed its bureaucracy by replacing its executives with his own hand-selected group of younger, more aggressive businessmen—a group that came to be known as Johnson’s “Merry Men.” He enjoyed the high society of the cities where he lived. Friends and business associates called him “The Pope” because of the luxurious scene he presided over. In 1973, he relocated to New York City as the company’s head of international operations, becoming its chief financial officer (CFO) by 1976. Johnson preferred lavish spending, while Weigl was frugal. The managerial styles of the two men eventually clashed. When Johnson threatened to resign, the board pushed Weigl into retirement, making Johnson the chief executive on the spot: “That bit of hardball brought Johnson command of a New York Stock Exchange company” (21).

Johnson’s Merry Men were known for heavy drinking in the after-hours and talking business long into the night at the company apartment. As the company head, “Johnson became the King of Schmooze” making connections with celebrities (24). His first task was to ensure the company did not collapse, as sugar prices plummeted in 1976. Johnson tried to make up for the loss of revenue by creating new products, including “some of the most celebrated failures in the food industry” (25). After four years of running Standard Brands, the company “was still an erratic performer” (27).

In 1981, Nabisco chair Bob Schaeberle suggested a merger between his company and Johnson’s Standard Brands. Nabisco had been a corporate juggernaut since the 1920s, with countless beloved brands under its umbrella, but by the 1970s, the company had stagnated and needed an infusion of cash. When Nabisco merged with Standard Brands, Johnson became its chief operating officer (COO), with Schaeberle staying on as its chairman and chief executive. After the merger, the company significantly upgraded its executive pay scale. Johnson continued to live a life of luxury and even tried to commute by helicopter. He exercised a great deal of control at Nabisco, bringing in Standard Brands executives and overhauling the company’s financial controls in line with practices established at Standard Brands.

When Frito-Lay released a line of “Grandma’s Cookies,” they entered into direct and heated competition with Nabisco—a conflict that became known as “the cookie wars.” Kansas City, where Grandma’s Cookie’s first entered the market, “became a cookie-crazed battleground” (36). Nabisco responded by introducing its own new cookie line, called “Almost Home,” and making plans to branch out into salty snacks, competing with Frito-Lay on its own turf. Nabisco lost Kansas City but “won the war” because it had a massive distribution system to go national (37). In 10 years in New York, “Johnson had achieved the pinnacle of success: CEO of one of America’s great food companies” (37).

Chapter 2 Summary

The city of Winston-Salem, North Carolina, was a factory town serving the RJ Reynolds Tobacco Company, founded in the late 19th century by Virginian R. J. Reynolds. Instead of 20th-century corporate jets, Reynolds spent $240 a year on a horse team. His entrepreneurship, combined with the work ethic of Czech immigrants, “laid the foundation for the Reynolds corporate culture for decades to come” (42). As a Southerner, Reynolds “hated Yankee control, but there was no question he thrived under it” (43). The company’s Prince Albert tobacco was a national success.

In the 1890s, Buck Duke’s American Tobacco Company consumed regional counterparts like RJ Reynolds. However, Teddy Roosevelt’s “trustbusting” led to the dissolution of the trust, releasing RJ Reynolds and others for anti-trust violations. Reynolds offered its workers stock, which “paid an extraordinarily rich dividend,” and “took special care of its workers” (45). With the help of N. W. Ayer marketing, the company produced iconic brands like Camel. Reynolds died in 1918. By 1929, Lucky Strike surpassed Camel as the national bestseller, but Camel returned to the top spot in the 1930s. Winston-Salem was known as Camel City.

John Reynolds ran the company in the golden age of the 1950s, introducing the Winston filtered cigarette. Bownman Gray, Jr., “a typical executive of the day,” took the company over in 1959. In 1964, “surgeon general Luther Terry issued his landmark report linking cigarette smoke with cancer” (50). As a result, cigarette sales began to fall. Reynolds’ competitor Philip Morris, known for Marlboro, expanded into overseas markets. RJ Reynolds started to diversify by purchasing the oil company Aminoil. J. Paul Sticht, an outsider with a taste for corporate jets, joined the Reynolds board in 1968. In the late 1970s, he became the chief executive. That same decade, Phillip Morris began using electronic cigarette-making machines, while Reynolds continued using older machines. As a result of the lower manufacturing costs associated with the electronic machines, “[i]n 1976, Marlboro passed Winston as America’s bestselling cigarette, a position it holds to this day” (55).

Sticht’s two-year campaign for CEO divided the company “into warring camps” (57). The succession question led to “an insidious practice” called “loading” (57). Prior to raising prices, Reynolds dumped large volumes of product onto the market at the old prices, a practice that both unloaded old inventory and “produced large, artificial, end-of-quarter profits” (58). Though Sticht had some powerful supporters, in the end it was Tylee Wilson who became Reynolds’ chief executive in 1983, while Sticht remained on the board after retirement. Wilson worked to reshape the company, but his relationship with the board was “shaky” (64).

Hoping to turn Reynolds into a “consumer-goods superpower” that would challenge Procter & Gamble (64), Wilson went looking for another large corporation to merge with. After considering the likes of Pepsi and Kellogg, Wilson chose Nabisco Brands. As a result, Wilson met with Johnson and hinted that it would be Johnson who would lead the merged company after he retires in two or three years. The deal went through at $85 per share, “or $4.9 billion, at the time the largest merger ever to take place outside the oil industry” (66). Johnson “drove tough bargains on side issues,” including perks like corporate jets (66). The combined company was called RJR Nabisco.

Johnson relocated to Winston-Salem and was at first well-liked at Reynolds, though some compared him to “a used-car salesman” (69). The board of the merged company comprised five Nabisco directors out of 20. Johnson’s Merry Men did not like Wilson’s leadership because every decision “required multiple sign-offs and weeks of waiting” (70). After the first few months, some of Johnson’s aides were ready to leave, while Johnson urged them to be patient. Despite the disagreements, Wilson and Johnson got along well on business questions. Yet behind his back, Johnson mocked Wilson and the failing tobacco business.

In 1986, Sticht learned that Wilson had been trying to develop “smokeless” cigarettes without board approval for the past five years, spending $68 million. The secret project was called Project Spa, later referred to as Premier. This cigarette contained less tobacco and produced little smoke and tar, and Wilson hoped it would prevent consumers from quitting smoking altogether (74). Meanwhile, Johnson engaged in behind-the-scenes maneuvering to have some on the board privately suggest that he become the chief executive, meanwhile telling Wilson that he planned to resign if he wasn’t elevated to CEO. Johnson’s campaign was ultimately successful, and Wilson took early retirement with very generous severance package—what was known in business jargon as a “golden parachute.”

Chapter 3 Summary

Ross Johnson was the CEO of Nabisco in 1984 and of the merged RJR Nabisco in 1986. However, he “still knew next to nothing about tobacco” (78), so he needed to keep experienced people like Ed Horrigan around. Even as he purged other Reynolds executives, Johnson plied Horrigan with perks, including a luxurious New York City apartment above the Museum of Modern Art.

Johnson found it difficult to fit into the conservative Winston-Salem community and was quickly bored of “running into the same people over and over” (80). His solution was to move the headquarters to Atlanta. Since it was widely understood that doing so in the wrong way “would kill Winston-Salem” (81), Johnson quickly “became a local pariah” (82). Reynolds workers who had job security now feared receiving pink slips, and “gallows humor flourished” (82). Ultimately, when the move was announced in 1987, only the corporate headquarters relocated. Some workers went to work in Atlanta, others stayed, and “only a few hundred jobs in Winston-Salem [were] lost” (84). The new headquarters featured “a clear caste system” (93, with Reynolds veterans feeling that “they shouldered much of the menial work” (93). At this time, RJR executives “lived like kings” (92). RJR Nabisco’s hangars at the Charlie Brown Airport were akin to the “Taj Mahal of corporate hangars” (94). The corporate jets allowed Johnson to lead a high life flying in celebrity athletes or politicians every weekend.

Within a year, Johnson had sold some of the company’s businesses, such as Prince Albert pipe tobacco, using the money to pay down the company’s debts. He considered making RJR Nabisco a limited partnership, which “signaled a change in Johnson’s corporate focus” (85). Wall Street investment bankers found Johnson easy to work with, as “the companies Johnson ran were in a state of constant flux, buying, selling, and reshaping their parts” (85). The idea for a limited partnership, “Project Alpha,” came from Wall Street’s “Mad Dog” Jeffrey Beck (86, 87). Its objective was to increase the value of the remaining common company stock. However, Project Alpha did not go through. Some hoped that Johnson would pursue the LBO idea, but at this time Johnson rejected it because banks “didn’t understand the need for golf tournaments and corporate jets” (89). In an LBO, the buyer funds the purchase of a company by taking on substantial debt through bank loans and the sale of securities. Typically, the buyer then covers this debt by selling off parts of the company. Despite his misgivings, Johnson met with Henry Kravis, “whose name was practically synonymous with LBOs” on Wall Street, in his Park Avenue apartment to discuss it but ultimately rejected it (100).

Chapters 1-3 Analysis

The first three chapters serve to introduce the reader to the subject matter: both the business history of Standard Brands, Nabisco, and RJ Reynolds, and the rags-to-riches story of F. Ross Johnson. The history of RJR Nabisco functions as a case study illustrating a profound shift in corporate culture in the 1980s, epitomized by the rise of the LBO and the hostile takeover. The book further considers the impact of that shift on communities like Winston-Salem. Of particular note is the outsized role played by the individual personalities of top executives. Their relationships, conflicts of interest, and grudges drive multi-billion-dollar deals on Wall Street and impact the entire local, regional, and national economy, as discussed in The Human Factor in Business.

The history of RJR Nabisco reflects American history. The company developed alongside the town of Winston-Salem, providing steady employment for the community and driving local development. For example, the authors touch upon the relationship between immigration and business. RJ Reynolds was initially built and prospered with the help of local Czech immigrants who displayed the famed Protestant work ethic:

These Czechoslovakian immigrants sought not only religious freedom, in the Piedmont region of central Carolina, but also economic self-sufficiency. They were a stubborn, industrious people, skilled at manufacturing and trading and making do (42).

Later, the relocation of company headquarters from Winston-Salem to Atlanta reflected a broader pattern of de-industrialization in the US. As the US economy began to shift away from manufacturing, companies began outsourcing their production abroad as a cost-cutting measure. The devastation this tactic caused in such regions as the Rust Belt is well documented. In the case of Winston-Salem, the relocation affected only hundreds, not thousands of jobs. Yet it left deep wounds in the local community, created rifts, and caused long-term grievances, made worse by the fact that locals saw Johnson as a New York interloper rather than as one of their own.

At the center of this narrative is the story of Ross Johnson. Unlike some privileged personalities in the corporate world, Johnson came from a lower-middle-class family, having grown up on the Canadian prairie in the midst of the Great Depression. He was not the best student but was creative, entrepreneurial, “cocksure, buoyant, bubbly” (16). His story of upward mobility fit neatly into America’s by-the-bootstraps mythology. Perhaps because of his comparatively humble origins, Johnson enjoyed showing off his wealth and “longed to be the enfant terrible,” even past his middle age (28). His misuse of corporate jets and other perks not only risks getting the company in trouble with regulators but serves as an emblem of the hubris that came to define corporate culture in this time period: “The jets were also a symbol of the increasingly fuzzy line between what constituted proper use of a corporate asset and what constituted abuse” (95). For more on this, see the theme Corporate Excess and Wall Street Greed in 1980s America. The clash of egos between Johnson and his rivals drove major corporate decisions that, in some cases, affected thousands of jobs and entire regional economies.

If comparisons to war emerge as a motif in this section (see Themes: The RJR Nabisco Buyout as War), it is because the executives themselves favor this language. Ross Johnson describes the cookie wars as “a holocaust” (37). The purpose of such an analogy is to highlight both the corporate strategizing and the brutality of fighting between the companies and individuals. This motif also ties into the title, Barbarians at the Gate, evoking the clash between the Roman Empire and the Germanic peoples known to the Romans as “barbarians.”

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