59 pages • 1 hour read
Peter SchweizerBlood Money: Why the Powerful Turn a Blind Eye While China Kills Americans
Fiction | Novel | Adult | Published in 2011A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Part 2, Chapters 4-6Chapter Summaries & Analyses
Part 2, Chapter 4 Summary: “Arming Criminals”
In Chapter 4, Peter Schweizer discusses his claim that China is fueling violence in the US by exporting illegal devices that convert legal firearms into machine guns. He states that since 2018, thousands of auto sear switches, which modify Glock handguns to fire 20 rounds per second, have been shipped from China to the US, exacerbating gun violence. These devices, illegal in both the US and China, are allegedly sold on Chinese websites, such as Alibaba, and are mislabeled to evade detection. As a result, Schweizer claims, machine-gun incidents in US cities have surged dramatically.
Schweizer maintains that lately, due to US authorities’ effort to intercept these devices, Chinese companies have shifted their tactics, sending these devices through Mexico to bypass US mail inspections. In addition to auto sears, Schweizer claims that China is also smuggling firearm suppressors into the US, enabling felons and drug traffickers to access prohibited equipment. Schweizer argues that Beijing’s lack of cooperation in curbing these exports is due to its deliberate strategy to destabilize American society.
Schweizer provides some data to illustrate his allegations, such as the US interception of 10,800 illegal gun parts from China in 2020, the arrest of Hong Kong businessman Tommy Fok in 1992 for weapon smuggling, and the supposed involvement of China in gun deliveries for Canadian separatist groups. Schweizer describes these facts as provocations and blames the Clinton and Biden administrations for allegedly ignoring the issues. Schweizer also imputes to President Biden his silence on illegal weapons parts from China to the US, stating that the Biden administration has condemned Chinese arms shipments to Ukraine. This reluctance, according to Schweizer, extends to Congress, where senators have focused on domestic gun control rather than addressing China’s role in arming US criminal gangs.
Part 2, Chapter 5 Summary: “Magnifying Social Chaos”
In Chapter 5, Schweizer claims that China is exploiting social unrest, particularly issues related to racial division. He uses the 2020 closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston due to alleged espionage activities, including attempts to manipulate the Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests, as evidence for his claims. Schweizer argues that, while BLM originated from legitimate concerns over police brutality, China saw an opportunity to inflame racial tensions and weaken the US by infiltrating these movements. He believes that this strategy aligns with Beijing’s “Three Warfares” doctrine—using public opinion, psychological, and legal tactics to destabilize rivals.
Schweizer further argues that China has historically sought to exploit American racial struggles. Allegedly, during the 1960s, the Communist Party supported radical groups like the Black Panther Party, because they wanted to destabilize the US government. He thinks that Beijing’s modern tactics involve supporting groups and individuals sympathetic to their cause, such as Montague Simmons, the leader of Organization for Black Struggle, as well as the Freedom Road Socialist Organization, which played a role in protests following the deaths of Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown. At the same time, Schweizer thinks that China oppresses its own marginalized populations, which is not consistent with its support of such populations in the US. Therefore, Schweizer claims, China only aims to amplify racial discord in America to weaken it.
Schweizer mentions that George Floyd’s death sparked nationwide protests. He also points to the details that emerged out of Floyd’s autopsy, which he does not elaborate on, namely that traces of fentanyl were found in the deceased’s body, as well as COVID-19 antibodies, linking both to China. Schweizer argues that the violent elements in the BLM protests following the death of George Floyd were fueled by groups like the Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FRSO), which allegedly has ties to the CCP, and Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL), both linked to China. He claims that many incidents of looting and destruction during the protests in cities like Jacksonville, Florida, and Kenosha, Wisconsin, were organized by FRSO and PSL.
Schweizer claims that in the summer of 2020, various groups with ties to Beijing, including the Chinese Progressive Association (CPA), played roles in stoking protest violence. CPA branches in San Francisco, Boston, and New York encouraged resistance to “assimilation into whiteness” and supported racial solidarity in response to George Floyd’s death (80). Allegedly, these groups, with connections to the CCP, have a history of promoting pro-Beijing agendas while downplaying their ideological affiliations. Schweizer also accuses activist Eugene Puryear, a leader of the PSL, of calling for rebellion across cities like Minneapolis and Philadelphia with a rhetoric that mirrors CCP narratives, which mainly refers to critiquing the American economic (capitalist) system.
Schweizer details an incident in Aurora, Colorado, where a PSL-organized group barricaded a police station for seven hours. PSL members were later arrested but had their charges dropped. PSL allegedly also disrupted pro-police rallies in Denver, where violence broke out, and similar scenes unfolded in cities like Philadelphia and Boston, where PSL leaders demanded the abolition of police departments rather than reforms. Schweizer argues that the PSL played a key role in escalating protests, but that media coverage often failed to mention PSL’s ties to Beijing. Schweizer thinks that PSL’s actions were monitored and supported by Chinese officials.
Schweizer then describes Guo Wengui, a former Chinese businessman who fled to the US in 2014, presenting himself as a dissident opposed to the CCP. Schweizer claims that Guo was once connected to China’s Ministry of State Security (MSS) and had political influence through high-level connections. Upon moving to the US, Guo positioned himself as an anti-CCP figure, collaborating with conservative figures like Steve Bannon and creating media platforms to push his narrative. Despite Guo’s public opposition to the CCP, questions surround his true allegiances. His mediatic reach, Schweizer claims, often pushed extreme and false narratives, particularly during the 2020 US election and the Hunter Biden laptop controversy.
Schweizer alleges that Guo Wengui holds ties to individuals connected with the Chinese regime and that he used Chinese tech companies for his operations. Therefore, Schweizer concludes, the former businessman maintains contacts with Chinese officials. Schweizer also mentions that Guo was arrested on fraud charges and accused of defrauding anti-Communist Chinese investors, which leaves his true motivations and loyalties ambiguous.
Part 2, Chapter 6 Summary: “Destabilizing Democracy”
In Chapter 6 of Blood Money, Schweizer discusses Chinese intelligence operations in the US. Allegedly, in early 2020, Chinese intelligence officers from the PLA arrived in the US, posing as academics, and collaborated with Huawei to manipulate social media platforms like TikTok. Schweizer claims that their goal was to fuel unrest during protests.
Schweizer claims that China exploited social media to deepen divisions in the US, for example using fake Twitter accounts, which allegedly were created by Chinese operatives to amplify messages of societal breakdown and impending civil war in America. Apparently, China’s goal was not just to fuel anger, but to foster disgust, a sentiment Chinese strategists believe can destabilize nations more effectively than mere anger.
Schweizer thinks that during the Cold War, the Soviets tried to exploit racial tensions in the US but lacked tools like social media. By contrast, contemporary China uses social media effectively to create political and social divisions in the US. Schweizer claims that during the 2020 protests, Twitter deleted 170,000 Chinese accounts that amplified divisive content on issues like the death of George Floyd. These accounts, allegedly active only during Beijing work hours, boosted extreme views to sow discord. Therefore, Schweizer concludes, China learned this destabilization tactic from Russia and is using it effectively in the US.
Schweizer illustrates his claims by using several examples, such as Neville Roy Singham, an American billionaire with supposed close ties to China, who plays a key role in funding leftist movements in the US, which Schweizer calls “radical.” Singham, whom Schweizer describes as influenced by Communist ideologies, made his fortune through his software company, Thoughtworks, and his consultancy work with Huawei, a Chinese tech firm. After selling his company to a China-connected investment firm, Singham used his wealth to fund supposed pro-Beijing organizations like CODEPINK and The People’s Forum. Schweizer claims that these groups support promote pro-China narratives and downplay human rights abuses in China, such as the Uyghur genocide.
Schweizer claims that CODEPINK and the People’s Forum collaborate with the Qiao Collective, a Chinese diasporic collective in the US, which supposedly promotes pro-China views within the American left. Schweizer thinks that this group claims to represent Chinese students and ethnic Chinese people in the US, while ignoring China’s human rights abuses. Schweizer quotes an article by three authors from National Taiwan University to substantiate his claim that the Qiao Collective has links to Communism and its followers interact with Chinese state-affiliated accounts. Schweizer states that Qiao is supported by leaders of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), an influential group with members like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Bernie Sanders. Schweizer thinks that the DSA criticizes the US political system but rarely condemns China. He claims that DSA-aligned politicians have opposed congressional efforts to address US-China strategic competition. According to Schweizer, these relationships showcase how the Chinese Communist Party leverages US leftist movements for its own interests.
Further on, Schweizer argues that Beijing continues to stir social unrest in the US through influence campaigns, especially in the lead-up to the 2022 midterm elections. Apparently, fake social media accounts spread divisive narratives targeting both ends of the political spectrum. Schweizer claims that, while Russia often gets more criticism in US discourse, Chinese information operations are more strategic and enduring.
Schweizer also states that groups like PSL exploit domestic issues like police brutality and transgender rights to further radicalize social movements, according to China’s plan. He thinks that, while China does not support minority rights or LGBTQIA+ rights at home, they support groups within the trans and LGBTQIA+ movement, as well as minority rights defenders in the US, just to destabilize the US government. Schweizer also claims that Chinese-linked organizations promote anti-Israel protests and support Palestine just as a strategy to foment unrest.
Part 2, Chapters 4-6 Analysis
In Chapters 4 to 6, Schweizer shifts his focus toward China’s alleged role in arming criminals, stoking social unrest, and undermining American democracy through technological influence, highlighting Covert Manipulation and Disinformation Campaigns as key tactics. While he presents some factual events and statistics, his argumentation and persuasive strategies ultimately rely on a combination of selective data, historical distortion, and emotive appeals. For example, in Chapter 4, Schweizer lays out a narrative that positions China as the architect of an illegal arms smuggling network intended to exacerbate gun violence in the United States. He claims that China is fueling this violence by exporting illegal gun modification devices, such as Glock switches, that convert handguns into machine guns. He asserts that these devices have led to a dramatic surge in machine-gun incidents in American cities but offers little to no concrete evidence linking China directly to this uptick in violence.
Schweizer continues to lean heavily on appeals to fear as a rhetorical strategy, using emotionally charged language and apocalyptic imagery of American streets overrun with machine guns. By repeatedly associating these gun parts with high-profile crime issues, Schweizer attempts to tie China’s actions to domestic instability. The lack of verifiable sources or a nuanced understanding of the complex factors driving gun violence in the US leaves this narrative unsupported and insubstantial. Instead, Schweizer overstates the role of Chinese actors, focusing on the specter of a foreign threat while downplaying the myriad other causes, such as domestic gun policies or socioeconomic factors. He neither cites nor addresses the wealth of research on the root causes of gun violence in the US.
Schweizer accuses China of inflaming racial tensions in the US as part of a broader strategy to destabilize the country. He claims that groups with supposed ties to China, such as the Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FRSO) and Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL), played instrumental roles in violent protests following the death of George Floyd. This argument heavily relies on guilt by association, as Schweizer attempts to link China to every radical or violent element that emerged during the 2020 protests. His claims, however, lack strong substantiation, as he fails to provide credible evidence of direct coordination between China and these organizations. Instead, Schweizer draws on historical parallels—such as China’s alleged support for the Black Panther Party in the 1960s—to create a continuity of influence, despite the different political and social contexts between these periods. His assertion that China oppresses various ethnic groups while supporting racial discord in the US reflects a rhetorical strategy that plays on the moral hypocrisy of foreign intervention. While evidence supports his claims that China’s record regarding its treatment of minorities is poor, this does not extend to or disqualify the social and human rights organizations active in China.
By repeatedly citing Chinese-linked organizations, Schweizer attempts to present social justice movements as compromised by external forces, ignoring the domestic injustices that fuel these protests, pointing to the book’s thematic interest in The Erosion of American Values Through Foreign Interference. Schweizer’s use of emotive language, such as descriptions of violent protests and barricaded police stations, evokes anger towards these movements, positioning these protests as illegitimate and unethical—an argument imbued with racism.
Schweizer utilizes repetition of language to cater to implicit racial bias in his argument. For example, he repeatedly uses the word “violent” in formulations such as: “[P]rotests became violent in late May, when police and first responder vehicles were attacked, and dozens of violent protesters were arrested” (79). Another example occurs in this passage:
[A] large crowd started gathering in the city in what was dubbed ‘one of the largest civil rights protests in Jacksonville history.’ Certainly, most people attending wanted a peaceful protest, but a previous protest had turned violent (79).
Schweizer uses the repetitive impact of the word “violent” and the generalized atmosphere of “riot” to cast doubt on the legitimacy of civil rights demonstrations. The phrase “dozens of violent protesters were arrested” implies widespread violence without specifying whether those arrested were violent, while “a previous protest had turned violent” links past events to future ones (79), creating an association between civil rights protests and chaos. By focusing on isolated incidents of violence, these quotes delegitimize the broader movement, playing into a narrative that frames protest as inherently dangerous, reinforcing fear and mistrust. While violence during protests is a well-researched issue in the social sciences, often coupled with police violence—which is heavily criticized in social justice and academic circles—Schweizer does not cite any legitimate studies in these chapters regarding these topics.
Schweizer’s portrayal of Guo Wengui in Chapter 5, reflects the author’s own allegiances, which he neither acknowledges nor interrogates. Guo, a former Chinese businessman, fled to the United States in 2014 and positioned himself as an outspoken critic of the CCP, creating media platforms and working alongside prominent conservative figures to broadcast his anti-CCP rhetoric (Wendling, Mike and Grace Tsoi. “Guo Wengui: How a Chinese Tycoon Built a Pro-Trump Money Machine.” BBC, 2024). However, Schweizer implies that Guo’s history with China’s Ministry of State Security (MSS) and his financial dealings raise questions about his loyalty.
By alluding to Guo’s potential ties to Chinese intelligence, Schweizer creates an air of conspiracy, suggesting that Guo’s defection may be part of a larger strategy by the CCP to manipulate American political discourse. Guo’s association with Steve Bannon, a key figure in the American far right and former White House Chief Strategist for Donald Trump, plays into Schweizer’s narrative by emphasizing Guo’s influence within conservative circles, and serves to connect Guo to Bannon’s political network. However, Schweizer frames Bannon as a collaborator in exposing Chinese influence but depicts Guo as a figure with questionable motives.
Schweizer’s presentation of Guo plays on the general fascination and fears about foreign infiltration and espionage—themes that resonate with the conservative audiences that frequent Breitbart News and other right-wing media outlets. By portraying Guo as a potential Trojan horse, Schweizer plays into the narrative of a hidden enemy within, a frequent trope in far-right rhetoric. At the same time, Schweizer is a well-known collaborator at Breitbart News, which was chaired by Bannon. Schweizer and Bannon funded the conservative think-tank Government Accountability Institute in 2012, which raises concerns about the conflicts of interest in Schweizer’s analysis. Schweizer’s ambiguous treatment of Guo’s true intentions moves his argument away from an objective critique and toward a narrative designed to appeal to conservative fears of foreign influence.
Schweizer’s arguments in Chapters 4 to 6 rely on fearmongering, selective evidence, and rhetorical strategies to discredit movements that advocate for systemic change, without engaging with the legitimate criticisms these movements raise about issues like police brutality or economic inequality. Schweizer’s analysis provides a lack of critical engagement with the complexities of American social and political dynamics, opting instead for a simplistic and conspiratorial view of Chinese influence.
