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Stephanie CampA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
With emancipation, freedom did not have a specific location; enslaved people did not need to head north to no longer be enslaved. Rather than geographic location or stability, freedom was once again associated with the same determining factor of the rival geography: mobility. Formerly enslaved people were now legally free to move around spaces as they pleased, which historian Leon Litwack has coined the “feel of freedom” (118).
Emancipation and its subsequent freedom of mobility was, Camp argues, the result of enslaved people’s own movements during the war seeking Union-occupied territory in the South, where they became “contrabands.” Initially, there was a range of treatment that these fugitives received upon reaching Union lines, including being forced back to their enslavers. Due to the large numbers of enslaved people fleeing, however, and moral, legal, and military concerns regarding refusing them, Lincoln made the decision that the military would become integrated, leading to the Emancipation Proclamation, which liberated enslaved people in the Confederate states in January 1863. The Union army did not want to refuse the labor that Black people brought to them through their flight.
War enabled enslaved people to move in new ways and also solidified gender differences, even as both men and women fled for Union army camps. Many men left Union camps to retrieve their families and bring them into the camps. Women remained more conspicuous, however, since they were still lacking the permissible mobility of enslaved men, and flight for them remained riskier.
The gender demographics of plantation space shifted dramatically during the war. Able-bodied enslaved men had disproportionately been sold to the Deep South for agricultural work in the early and mid-1800s, and they had also increasingly enlisted in the army. Therefore, women who decided to flee often had to make a break without the assistance of more geographically literate men. For the first time in American slavery, however, women represented close to half of all fugitives from enslavement. The vast majority of enslaved people on plantations during the Civil War, however, were women.
Despite the thousands of fugitives who became contrabands and later, soldiers, the majority of enslaved people remained on the plantation rather than fleeing, and the labor of enslaved people remained crucial to plantation life throughout the war, especially the labor of enslaved women. White women also outnumbered white men on plantations, as the majority of eligible white men served in the military, often leaving plantations to be managed by white women. While also employing violence against enslaved people, women tended not to use it in the same systemic ways as men, and their violence tended to be “impulsive” rather than deliberate. Women did not maintain control as thoroughly as men had, and the movement of Black people during the war was as much a result of the presence of Union forces as the absence of Southern white men.
For enslavers, much of their identity and sense of self resided in their enslavement of other humans. Not only did slavery allow for a minority of Southern white men to accrue great wealth, but it also imbued in them a sense of “independence.” The enslavement of Africans in the 17th century had freed poor white people from indentured servitude, as European servitude gave way to African enslavement. Slavery enabled white men not only to enslave and dominate people but, consequently, feel that they were their own masters, believing themselves ironically beholden to no one. With the Civil War, this sense of “independence” was under assault.
Confederate pickets became a new element of control within the plantation geography. To the surprise of many Union soldiers, the pickets were oriented toward the containment of enslaved people within the plantation rather than the defense of the plantation from outside forces, focused internally rather than externally. Some Union officers were similarly focused on controlling contraband, with their own containment measures often resembling those of plantation geography.
The rival geography that had previously been almost exclusively Black, except for a few white traders, now opened up to Confederate deserters and Union soldiers, in particular, since they were foreign to the South both geographically and culturally. They depended on help from enslaved people in their navigation of the rival geography, which was becoming integrated. This Black acceptance of Union white people into the rival geography also helped to defeat the Confederacy.
After emancipation, enslaved people celebrated their freedom, in part, by coming together. However, former enslavers remained committed to controlling Black people’s movements. The sharecropping system that emerged after the war “hired” Black people not for pay, but for a share of the crop they raised. Their labor was once again exploited, and they were unable to accrue any wealth, mired in abject poverty and geographically stuck on these farms.
The system of Jim Crow segregation was also developed, which explicitly defined where Black people could live and how and where they could move. Streetcars and railways, which transported Black people through regions that differed in their racialization of space, were some of the first spaces in which segregation was contested. The US Supreme Court case of Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) was grounded in these transportation systems and whether “separate but equal” accommodations on railway cars were constitutional, with “separate but equal” being upheld; the lone dissenter was Justice John Marshall Harlan. The 20th century, despite emancipation, continued constrictions on movement and thus, on liberty—this time for all African Americans.
Camp presents enslaved people not as mere recipients of emancipation; instead, they directly participated in the struggle for emancipation by fleeing to Union camps, attaining the status of contraband and often working for the Union army. The Civil War was the deadliest war in United States history in terms of the greatest percentage of the population killed, but the war itself was both devastating and enabling for enslaved people in the rival geography. The geographical knowledge accumulated through truancy facilitated this movement into Union camps, with the high numbers of enslaved people arriving forcing the military to integrate contrabands into their ranks, catalyzing the 1862 Emancipation Proclamation and the defeat of the Confederacy.
After the Civil War, formerly enslaved people expressed and felt freedom in their individual physical mobility, which enabled them to come together. They congregated openly, holding space together as a people and creating a “genuine Black public sphere” of their own (139). White Southerners, however, continued to insist on a geography of containment, with revisions that met the legal requirements of emancipation. The two main systems of control during the 20th century were sharecropping and segregation. Sharecropping, a system of labor exploitation, was also an extension of the geography of containment. With “payment” for this labor only coming in the form of a share of the crop, Black people were stuck, never able to move out of debt or the land on which they were exploited. Sharecropping, then, was a de facto continuation of the constriction of movement that had existed within enslavement’s geography of containment. Though sharecroppers were not technically enslaved, they existed within a world of exploitation and stagnation, with the experience of sharecropping—infinite labor with no accumulation of wealth, extreme deprivation, and no mobility—little different from that of enslavement.
The development of 20th-century racial segregation falls well outside the historical focus of the book, but the foundational ruling of “separate but equal” in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) is fundamentally about the containment of Black lives and mobility. Segregation initially takes hold in new and specifically modern, technological spaces such as railways and streetcars, but the desire to determine where and how Black people could move through space is not new on the part of white people. Segregation expressed old desires to control (new) Black movement. As opposed to historical arguments that claim segregation is a new form of control, Camp’s research demonstrates that this 20th-century geography of containment is a legacy and continuation of the “tradition” of antebellum white geographies of Black containment.
Camp’s research, though specific to the 19th century, is relevant to 20th-century systems of control that emerge within “freedom.” Sharecropping and segregation ground themselves in very different spaces: sharecropping in small plots on rural, agricultural land and segregation in new transportation systems that moved people through spaces. Nonetheless, they both reflect and continue racialized geographies that had been developing for hundreds of years, and the civil rights and racial justice movements of the 20th and 21st centuries would continue to demand an end to these evolving-but-old geographies.