Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center

“There has been no other movement for social justice in our society that has been self-critical as feminist movement.”

hooks reflects on how the feminist movement, including all its writers and thinkers, can be characterized as self-aware and “self-critical,” or willing to encounter criticism on their limitations or blind spots. In noting this, hooks reveals some commentary on her own work in this book and its reception by the feminist movement. Though she criticized the movement in general and particularly the blind spots of its leaders, hooks’s book was still included in feminist discourse and continues to be a relevant source of feminist theory today.

“Our survival depended on an ongoing public awareness of the separation between margin and center and an ongoing private acknowledgement that we were a necessary, vital part of that whole.”

bell hooks grew up in a segregated, small Kentucky town and therefore experienced daily life on the margins of society. Her understanding of the margins as a place of close-knit community and support informs her confidence in the theories she puts forward in this book, which emphasize solidarity, empathy, and connection.

“We resist hegemonic dominance of feminist thought by insisting that it is a theory in the making, that we must necessarily criticize, question, re-examine, and explore new possibilities.”

One of the most engaging aspects of feminist theory and movement for hooks is its ability to oppose hegemonic thought through the variety of voices included in the discourse. As her main objective with this book is to outline the failures of the feminist movement thus far, hooks first establishes this quality to justify her critiques.

“It is essential for continued feminist struggle that black women recognize the special vantage point our marginality gives us and make use of this perspective to criticize the dominant racist, classist, sexist hegemony as well as to envision and create a counter-hegemony.”

In response to feminist leaders being largely wealthy, highly educated white women, hooks encourages the participation of more women who come from backgrounds similar to her own. She believes that marginalized people’s perspectives can contribute to reforming how feminist movements are organized.

“By repudiating the popular notion that the focus of feminist movement should be social equality of the sexes and by emphasizing eradication of the cultural bias of group oppression, our own analysis would require an exploration of all aspects of women’s political reality. This would mean that race and class oppression would be recognized as feminist issues with as much relevance as sexism.”

hooks states that the feminist movement can only end sexist oppression by acknowledging the need to end classist and racist divides within the feminist movement itself. Class, race, and other systems of oppression must be considered in the full context of a woman’s “political reality” if any true attack on sexist oppression is to be successful.

“In their eagerness to highlight sexist injustice, women focused almost exclusively on the ideology and practice of male domination. Unfortunately, this made it appear that feminism was more a declaration of war between the sexes than a political struggle to end sexist oppression, a struggle that would imply change on the part of women and men.”

Part of hooks’s argument for solidarity is including men among feminists, which has traditionally been a debated topic among its leaders. Rather than keep sexist divides, hooks notes how men are similarly affected by systems of domination and oppression and should therefore be included in feminist discourse. She aims to have feminism address society as a whole.

“By challenging Western philosophical beliefs that impress on our consciousness a concept of family life that is essentially destructive, feminism would liberate family so that it could be an affirming, positive kinship structure with no oppressive dimensions based on sex differentiation, sexual preference, etc.”

hooks’s defense of the family as a positive social structure capable of nurturing self-awareness and confidence in each individual is crucial to the book’s theme of The Importance of Solidarity in the Feminist Movement. The power dynamics in families directly reflect those in society at large.

“We must learn to live and work in solidarity. We must learn the true meaning and value of Sisterhood.”

Without solidarity across race, gender, and class lines, hooks does not believe that feminism can truly achieve societal reform. Rather than center feminism around women, hooks extends her solidarity to include men and children, as every person is affected by hegemonic systems of oppression.

“Women are enriched when we bond with one another, but we cannot develop sustaining ties or political solidarity using the model of Sisterhood created by bourgeois women’s liberationists.”

Part of hooks’s argument for solidarity is founded on her personal experiences as a student in the Stanford University women’s studies program. Though she is a feminist and working to end sexist oppression alongside white women, hooks nevertheless experienced discrimination and racism from her classmates and fellow activists.

“Acceptance of sexist ideology is indicated when women teach children that there are only two possible behavior patterns: the role of dominant or submissive being. Sexism teaches women woman-hating, and both consciously and unconsciously we act out this hatred in our daily contact with one another.”

In this quote, hooks reflects on how sexist oppression reinforces patriarchal ideologies surrounding master/slave dynamics and power. Because society inundates women with these ideologies, it is difficult for women to gain confidence in themselves, feel united with other women, and participate in the feminist movement.

“Since we live in a society that promotes fads and temporary superficial adaptation of different values, we are easily convinced that changes have occurred in arenas where there has been little or no change.”

hooks asserts that much of the feminist movement’s supposed progress is really feminist ideals co-opted for the benefit of white, wealthy public figures of both genders. For example, a woman elected to office does not necessarily have tangible benefits for other women; it mostly benefits that one woman (and the institution that gets to be considered more progressive for electing her). This creates a false sense of progress that does not coincide with actual feminist gains.

“Women must learn to accept responsibility for fighting oppressions that may not directly affect us as individuals.”

In keeping with the book’s focus on solidarity, hooks notes that all women must be able to empathize with each other and be invested in the social and cultural conditions of all women. She argues that women cannot be interested only in the women of their class and race as that leads to further segregation and abuses of power.

“Reactionary separatism is rooted in the conviction that male supremacy is an absolute aspect of our culture, that women have only two alternatives: accepting it or withdrawing from it to create subcultures.”

While discussing the need to accept men as comrades and participants in the feminist movement, hooks explains how feminism has frequently turned to considering how to best separate the genders further to protect the gains feminism might achieve. hooks sees these women-only subcultures as individualistic, marginalizing, and unhelpful to the cause.

“Before women can work to reconstruct society, we must reject the notion that obtaining power in the existing social structure will necessarily advance feminist struggle to end sexist oppression.”

Due to the patriarchal and racist social structure of our societies, hooks does not agree that feminists should try to gain power in the existing systems of oppression. Rather, she argues for a complete reconstruction of society.

“As long as the United States is an imperialist, capitalist, patriarchal society, no large female majority can enter the existing ranks of the powerful.”

hooks identifies the main systems of oppression that feminism must combat: imperialism, capitalism, and the patriarchy. These systems have not been addressed by the feminist movement so far, as the focus has been on men and sexist oppression. A singular focus on men and sexism ignores how systems of oppression are interrelated in Western society.

“By formulating feminist ideology in such a way as to make it appear irrelevant to working women, bourgeois white women effectively excluded them from the movement. They were then able to shape feminist movement to serve their class interests without having to confront the impact, whether positive or negative, proposed feminist 

In discriminating along racial and class lines, feminist leaders exclude many women who could participate in feminist organizations. White, wealthy feminists often champion work as the most accessible form of liberation, which implies that women who already work for a living cannot benefit from feminism.

“This approach to the issue of women and poverty privileges the plight of one group of women. It encourages women to examine the impact of unemployment, divorce, etc. on bourgeois white women rather than compelling us to examine women’s overall economic position.”

hooks argues for a restructuring of feminist leadership to include marginalized voices from all social and economic classes. Otherwise, feminism only benefits the classist agendas of bourgeois white women.

“By working to rethink the nature of work, feminist activists will be sharing the direction of the movement so that it will be relevant to all women and lead them to participate.”

Reevaluating work and its place in women’s familial, social, and political lives is crucial to hooks in this book. In this quote, hooks connects work with solidarity, in that valuing all work—no matter its form—helps women better connect with one another.

“The value of a feminist work should not be determined by whether or not it conforms to academic standards.”

As hooks was educated both in segregated public schools and elite universities, she is positioned to consider how access to education and literacy impacts marginalized women’s willingness to become involved in the feminist movement. hooks hopes that this book will convince feminist writers to use more accessible means to disseminate their theories, making them accessible to more women.

“While male supremacy encourages the use of abusive force to maintain male domination of women, it is the Western philosophical notion of hierarchical rule and coercive authority that is the root cause of violence against women, of adult violence against children, of all violence between those who dominate and those who are dominated.”

Similar to how hooks traces sexist oppression back to the overarching ideologies of patriarchy, capitalism, and imperialism, this quote reflects her belief that violence in society is influenced by these ideologies. Ending sexist oppression would not end violence in society (or, specifically, violence against women) as these other ideologies must be eradicated as well.

“Before there can be shared responsibility for child-rearing that relieves women of the sole responsibility from primary child care, women and men must revolutionize their consciousness. They must be willing to accept that parenting in isolation (irrespective of the sex of the parent) is not the most effective way to raise children or be happy as parents.”

To promote solidarity at the family level, hooks presents an argument for revaluating fatherhood. She describes an ideal family life with equitable parenting opportunities, without one sex or the other deemed more effective at parenting their shared children.

“Sexual freedom can exist only when individuals are no longer oppressed by a socially constructed sexuality based on biologically determined definitions of sexuality: repression, guilt, shame, dominance, conquest, and exploitation. To set the stage for the development of that sexual freedom, feminist movement must continue to focus on ending female sexual oppression.”

Similar to her discussion on ending the classist and racist divides within the feminist movement, hooks includes sexuality in her argument to show how solidarity requires complete acceptance of all people, in all forms.

“The focus on ‘men’ and ‘male behavior’ has overshadowed emphasis on women developing themselves politically so that we can begin making the cultural transformations that would pave the way for the establishment of a new social order.”

To end sexist oppression, hooks argues against making men the villains of society. Rather, they should be included within feminist discourse itself. She seeks to replace our current society with an entirely new set of ideologies, and all people need to be equally involved and respected for this to occur.