Humankind: A Hopeful History

Chapter 13 serves as a critique of conventional wisdom in management, which often rests on a Hobbesian view of human nature as inherently selfish and in need of external incentives to perform well. This dated outlook, initially propagated by management consultant Frederick Taylor, has been the bedrock for both capitalist and communist ideologies, creating a universal reliance on financial incentives and punishments.

The chapter introduces revolutionary figures like Jos de Blok and Edward Deci, who challenge these long-standing assumptions. De Blok, a healthcare innovator, founded Buurtzorg, a healthcare organization that dismisses conventional financial incentives for employees and yet has garnered elevated levels of employee and client satisfaction. Buurtzorg is distinct for its absence of a managerial layer, call centers, or complicated bonus systems. Instead, it operates with small, self-directed nursing teams solely focused on quality care. The success of Buurtzorg contradicts the notion that financial incentives and tight management structures are necessary for organizational success.

Edward Deci, a psychologist, provides empirical support for de Blok’s philosophy. Deci’s research found that external rewards can undermine intrinsic motivation, leading Bregman to offer various case studies that demonstrate this point. One such example is a chain of daycare centers that instituted late fees for tardy parents, only to find that the frequency of late pickups increased because parents viewed the fine as a payable cost rather than a moral obligation.

Adding further weight to the argument for intrinsic motivation and decentralized authority, Bregman presents the case of FAVI, a French automotive company. Led by Jean-François Zobrist, FAVI adopted a decentralized approach that replaced traditional hierarchies with “mini-factories” where teams make independent decisions. The outcome was increased productivity and market share without offshoring to low-wage countries.

By focusing on these groundbreaking ideas and examples, the chapter undermines the prevalent notion that organizations require stringent control and external rewards to function effectively. Through the lens of Buurtzorg and FAVI, the chapter posits that trust in human capability and a simplified, decentralized authority can result in benefits for all stakeholders involved. The chapter thus serves as a call to rethink outdated models of motivation and governance, not only in business but also across sectors from education to finance.

Chapter 14 examines the diminishing space for play in the lives of contemporary children alongside its alarming consequences. A barrage of statistics sets the tone: Fewer children walk to school alone, more time is dedicated to homework, and ironically, children now spend less time outdoors than prison inmates. Bregman, citing assorted studies as substantiation, claims that these changes have damaging effects on children’s emotional and mental well-being.

The chapter deconstructs the societal focus on academic and extracurricular achievements that stifles intrinsic motivation in children, leaving little room for free, unstructured play. This loss is not a function of parents being more available; rather, it’s a symptom of society’s obsession with work and performance metrics. Bregman draws from biological and anthropological studies to illustrate that play is integral to human and mammalian evolution. Scholars like Peter Gray are invoked to affirm the role of play in fostering creativity and emotional development.

The book progresses to a larger societal implication, examining how an obsession with metrics and achievement undermines childhood as well as society’s well-being. Play, according to Bregman, is where critical life skills like risk-taking and autonomous thinking are developed. The lack of these elements in a child’s life has long-term societal repercussions.

Transitioning to alternative educational paradigms, the chapter features Danish architect Carl Theodor Sørensen’s “junk playground” and Sjef Drummen’s Agora school in the Netherlands. These models espouse a more individualized and free-form learning environment. The results are striking: lower incidences of bullying and an increase in learning motivated by intrinsic interests. Students who would otherwise be marginalized in traditional settings find their educational stride.

A significant part of the narrative underscores how traditional, rule-heavy institutions foster negative behaviors like bullying. Such outcomes, Bregman argues, are more a product of the environment than a result of intrinsic human nature. The concept of “total institutions,” rigid in structure and unforgiving in schedules, is contrasted with the community-oriented philosophy of Agora. Personal anecdotes and sociological theories form the backbone of this argument.

However, these alternative educational models face resistance from established systems, particularly those obsessed with standardized testing. The chapter concludes by questioning the societal metrics of success, citing data that reveal the emptiness many professionals feel despite “successful” careers. Subsequently, the chapter serves as a clarion call for rethinking educational and societal values to cater to the intrinsic human need for play, autonomy, and meaningful engagement.

Bregman explores the notion of participatory democracy through several international examples, especially focusing on the small Venezuelan municipality of Torres. The chapter sets the stage with the remarkable election of Julio Chávez as mayor, who bucked traditional political norms by turning over control of the municipal investment budget to the citizens of Torres. This dramatic transfer of fiscal authority enabled residents to collectively decide how to allocate about seven million dollars, resulting in increased citizen engagement and, according to a University of California study, a decrease in corruption.

The implications of this localized case study have global ramifications, tracing back to similar democratic participatory initiatives in Porto Alegre, Brazil. In fact, this Brazilian model influenced over 1,500 cities worldwide, fostering increased civic engagement and resultant societal improvements like better healthcare and infrastructure. Bregman reinforces the positive aspects of this citizen-centric approach using ample evidence, including data, case studies, and anecdotes.

The chapter also examines the notion of “everyday communism,” emphasizing that shared resources and communal cooperation are an integral part of human nature and even capitalism. Bregman illustrates this possibility with the example of businesses internally operating on communist principles and the communal nature of “commons” like public parks.

Media’s role in shaping public perception of democracy also comes under scrutiny. For instance, the termination of a British TV program, The People’s Parliament, for being too rational and non-contentious underscores how media often perpetuates divisive politics over substantive dialogue.

Bregman also acknowledges the limitations and exploitations of participatory systems but counters with the overarching message that when given the opportunity, most citizens act responsibly. The chapter wraps up by highlighting the work of Nobel Prize-winning political economist Elinor Ostrom. Contrary to conventional economic theories that regard humans as inherently selfish, Ostrom’s extensive research offers a more optimistic perspective. Her database of successful “commons,” along with the example of Alaska’s Permanent Fund, supports Bregman’s central thesis that human beings are capable of cooperative, altruistic behavior when afforded the opportunity and trust.

The chapter not only serves as an intensive examination of participatory democracy but also as a lens through which broader issues—such as human nature, governance, and the role of media—are thoughtfully considered.