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Hari identifies one “huge obstacle” to reconnection: work (244). Specifically, 87% of people “feel disengaged or enraged” by their jobs, and people’s jobs take up most of their time (244). Additionally, some work is hard to make meaningful, but is essential for society.
Hari discusses Josh Mitchell, who worked at a bike shop and tried to form a labor union, but failed. After that, he and his wife Meredith founded Baltimore Bicycle Works. Their business was one where all the workers share joint responsibility and have a say in how the business is run: “Everyone in Baltimore Bicycle Works said they were dramatically happier; less anxious and less depressed than they had been working in the kind of top-down organizations that dominate our society” (251).
Meredith Mitchell says that she learned that “[e]verybody wants to work. Everybody wants to feel useful, and have purpose” (254). There are “tens of thousands of democratic workplaces” or cooperatives across the world, but there is not much data on them (254). However, the evidence suggests that working at a cooperative helps people feel more empowered and less depressed.
Hari says that advertising is a form of “mental pollution” and lists a number of places that have banned or restricted outdoor advertising. The city of São Paolo in Brazil enacted the Clean City Law, which banned all outdoor advertising. Greece and Sweden have banned advertising directed to children. The city of London took down an ad that sparked protests (257).
Hari interviews Nathan Duggin, an investment advisor who ran a study with teenagers and their parents about money. Duggin found that people purchased things they did not need to feel better or so they would fit in with their peers. The study’s results indicated that “spending often isn’t about the object itself. It’s about getting to a psychological state that makes you feel better” (260).
Duggin also challenged members of the survey to “draw up a list of their intrinsic values” (262), which most people being interviewed had never really thought about. It was found that the “people who had gone through this experiment had significantly lower materialism and significantly higher self-esteem” (263). Duggin believes that we could form similar discussion groups that emphasize intrinsic values over materialism.
Hari discusses Rachel Shubert, his friend and former classmate: “Rachel had come to realize that she was angry and envious a lot of the time” (266). She felt her accomplishments were diminished by other people’s accomplishments, and made herself feel better by looking at the flaws of people she envied. She decided to practice a technique called “sympathetic joy” (268). It involves meditating and imagining something good happening to a stranger and then sharing in their happiness. In the next stage, you imagine something good happening to someone you envy or dislike. After doing this for several weeks, she “felt the toxic feelings slowly abate” (268), and began to “see the happiness of others not as a rebuke, but as a source of joy” (269).
Next, Hari talked to Roland Griffith, a psychologist who researched the similar effects meditation and psychedelic drugs have on the human mind. One of Griffith’s patients was Mark, who, over the course of three sessions, took psilocybin, a psychedelic that gave him a vision that helped him resolve issues with his late father and assisted him with social anxiety. Hari stresses that the doctors he spoke with said that psychedelics needed to be taken in a clinical setting.
For the health insurance company Kaiser Permanente, the doctor Vincent Felitti set up an experiment. Some of the patients who discussed their trauma for a survey were then asked by a doctor: “I’m sorry that happened to you—it shouldn’t have. Would you like to talk about those experiences?” (294). If the patient answered yes, then the doctor would talk about it sympathetically and ask how they thought the trauma impacted them.
According to the study, patients were glad, rather than offended, to be asked. Patients given an option to talk about their trauma with a psychotherapist were 50% less likely to return saying they felt physically ill or needed medication (295). Hari says that this suggests that it is not just the trauma that is damaging, but the shame surrounding it. Such shame fuels depression and anxiety.
In the previous chapters, Hari suggested that finding community is a solution for depression. In these chapters, he emphasizes more individual ways a person can reconnect. Work coops and “sympathetic joy,” like all the forms of reconnection Hari proposes, may be seen as ways for an individual to overcome their own ego. For example, Hari argues that trauma causes depression when a person tries to “lock it away” and does not have the will or the opportunity to discuss it in a healthy manner (296).
Most importantly, reconnection means having Purpose and Meaning, especially through one’s values and work. However, reconnection via work is very difficult to achieve, especially on an individual level. As Hari says, fulfilling work is a privilege for a lucky few. One of the solutions Hari recommends is democratized workplaces, something that would be out of many people’s hands. And even something as wide-reaching as democratizing a workplace “isn’t a magical solution” (253).
This is one potential criticism of Hari’s arguments: If depression is caused by these much deeper and wider social and economic problems, then how much good can the reconnections Hari recommends have? Hari may respond that he does offer solutions that an individual or a small group can use, like adopting a more positive and empathetic mindset (268-73), and having discussions challenging materialistic attitudes (262-64). However, dealing with issues like childhood trauma or a bad workplace does require some change in circumstances that may mostly or entirely be out of individual control.
By Johann Hari
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