44 pages • 1 hour read
John Lewis, Andrew AydinA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
March: Book Two begins with Congressman John Lewis in the House of Representatives chamber, preparing to attend the inauguration of Barack Obama in January 2009. The book then flashes back to Nashville in 1960, where Lewis was attending school at the American Baptist Theological Seminary and using tactics of nonviolent resistance to end the segregation of lunch counters. As a leader of the Nashville student movements, he helped cofound the SNCC, a coalition of student protesters across the segregated South. As Lewis and his fellow protesters pushed for further desegregation in Nashville, they were subject to increasingly harsh treatment, including a restaurant owner who locked the protesters inside and unleashed pesticides on them. The protesters focused next on the local movie theater. The book follows their efforts, which began with forming long lines and returning to the back after being refused, all while enduring harassment from passersby and later violence at the hands of the police. Lewis then insisted on stepping up their efforts; despite the risk of further harm, he led a march in front of the theater. Though no violence broke out, Lewis and dozens of others were arrested.
After a brief glimpse of the preparations for Obama’s inauguration, the next flashback is to April 1961, with Lewis on his way to Washington, DC, to join the Freedom Riders. The Supreme Court had struck down segregation on buses and bus terminals, but many Southern states were ignoring the ruling. Groups of white and Black protesters would therefore travel across the South together to compel the federal government to enforce the Court’s decision. After a careful study of various local laws, as well as further training in the philosophy of nonviolence, the protesters proceeded on a bus trip to New Orleans, informing the Kennedy administration and the bus companies of their intentions. At a terminal in South Carolina, a mob of white men attacked Lewis and his fellow riders, with the police intervening only after they had suffered a beating. Lewis paused his time with the Freedom Riders to interview for a volunteer program in India; during his absence, the bus he had been traveling on was firebombed outside of Birmingham, Alabama, and a mob fell upon the passengers as they escaped the flames. Birmingham’s infamous police chief, Eugene “Bull” Connor, promised the Ku Klux Klan a free hand without police interference. Lewis insisted on keeping up the pressure and not giving in to threats. The flashback shows how Lewis and others rushed to replace the injured and arrested riders, only for the police to stop their bus while a mob assembled outside. Bull Connor arrived personally to ensure that the police drove them out of Birmingham and dumped them at the Tennessee border. They luckily found hospitality, and the next day returned once more to Birmingham. With no drivers willing to transport them, the Freedom Riders had to stay at the terminal while the Klan assembled outside. They finally found a bus for Montgomery, but upon reaching the bus terminal, they found a large mob waiting for them. Many involved suffered severe injuries, including a federal agent dispatched to negotiate with local leaders.
The book then directly juxtaposes images of Black music legend Aretha Franklin singing “My Country, ’Tis of Thee” at Obama’s inauguration with glimpses of the bloodied Freedom Riders in Montgomery. Following the attack, Martin Luther King Jr. flew in to oversee a meeting at the First Baptist Church in Montgomery. As a mob gathered outside, hurling rocks through the stained-glass windows, King pled with Attorney General Robert Kennedy to send in federal marshals, given the unreliability of local and state police. Kennedy asked the Freedom Riders to stop while the administration sought a solution with state leaders, but Lewis insisted that backing down would validate violence against the protesters. The Alabama National Guard arrived to fend off the mob, but they also prevented anyone from leaving the church for most of the night. Returning to the Montgomery station under a heavy guard, Lewis and others announced their intentions to take a bus into Jackson, Mississippi, with no expectation of police protection.
Many of the enduring images of nonviolent resistance during the civil rights movement convey a sense of quiet defiance. Prominent examples include Rosa Parks casually looking out the window of a “whites-only” bus seat, the Greensboro Four calmly sitting at a Woolworth’s lunch counter, and Martin Luther King Jr. looking contemplatively through the bars of his Birmingham jail cell. To its detractors, nonviolence was too passive to deal with the evils of white supremacy. In his famous 1963 speech “Message to the Grassroots,” Malcolm X mocked the idea of a revolution where people lock arms and sing “We Shall Overcome,” saying, “You don’t do that in a revolution. You don’t do any singing; you’re too busy swinging.” In March, John Lewis demonstrates that there was nothing passive about nonviolence, and the maintenance of a reserved dignity required extraordinary forbearance in the face of horrific violence.
Nonviolence as a Way of Life is a theme throughout Lewis’s story, as the South treated Black people not merely as second-class citizens but as beings who were less than human. Under Jim Crow, Black people were not merely denied voting rights and relegated to segregated facilities. When they tried to assert their dignity, the system did everything in its power to enforce their subordination. The police could act with wanton brutality without any accountability, enabled by a court system charged with upholding the laws of segregation. Ordinary citizens could harass or attack protesters however they pleased, with the implicit and often explicit support of the state. To its Black citizens, the Jim Crow South was for all intents and purposes an authoritarian regime whose laws existed not to protect them but to bind them.
As Lewis recounts, nonviolent resistance was a gruesome, exhausting affair. The idea of The Civil Rights Movement as a Revolution emerges as the book depicts the intensity of the response to the nonviolent protests that he participated in and eventually led. When there was only a small group of activists, a single police action could suspend the movement while its members languished in jail. Arrest records would make it even harder for these young people to find jobs, and in many cases (including Lewis’s) inflamed tensions within their own families. Activists enduring such sacrifices also had to confront the seemingly impossible odds of their task. Simply by buying bus tickets, pairs of Freedom Riders activated a vast network against them, capable of summoning a police intercept or an angry mob at a moment’s notice. As a movement leader, Lewis had to bear the responsibility of sending people to endure terrible treatment, with a seemingly minimal chance of success. Although these people were volunteers and the movement tried to avoid firm hierarchies, leaders were still necessary to maintain discipline and ensure the movement stayed together and upheld its core values. Like a commanding officer, Lewis had to knowingly send people into harm’s way with no certainty of success, driven by the certainty of failure if they did not act.
As the movement gained greater public attention, particularly with the Freedom Riders, Lewis’s dilemmas as a leader became more severe. By traveling from state to state, Freedom Riders were launching a much broader attack on segregation than any efforts to desegregate within a single city. A broader stage meant a wider audience, including the federal government, which would have to step in to enforce its own laws if the protests were to have any hope of success. The prospect of federal intervention would then compel local and state officials to smash the protest movement once and for all. The best-case scenario was that the ensuing carnage would prompt the government to action, but Lewis realized that one, two, or even more bloody confrontations would not be sufficient. The government would never retaliate for what happened in the past; it would only act to prevent something worse from happening in the future. Therefore, every time Lewis and his followers bandaged their wounds, left jail, and in some cases buried their friends, they had to prepare themselves to do it all over again. The theme of Radicalism Versus Moderation arises as the book depicts Lewis choosing this approach throughout his life, despite pressure to revolt in more a violent fashion. Even in the face of mounting frustration from the Black community and disdain from white society, Lewis insisted that the government would eventually have to bear the burden of forcing the Southern states to become genuine democracies. Otherwise, it would expose the hollowness of its own authority.
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