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John Lewis, Andrew AydinA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Nonviolent resistance was among the most important aspects of the civil rights movement in the 1950s and early 1960s. From Rosa Parks refusing to leave her “whites-only” bus seat in Montgomery to John Lewis marching down the Edmund Pettus Bridge into a wall of police, activists willingly subjected themselves to arrest, violence, and even the risk of death without retaliation. Nonviolent resistance drew inspiration from the writings of Henry David Thoreau on “civil disobedience” and cited as a model Mohandas Gandhi’s peaceful protest against British imperial rule in India. Earlier generations of Black Americans had also sought to challenge segregation with peaceful protests, but the federal government’s endorsement of “separate but equal” facilities gave them no recourse against oppressive local laws. The Supreme Court’s striking down of segregation in public schools in Brown v. Board of Education in 1954 then opened the way for a broader challenge to segregation, beginning with Rosa Parks and the boycott of Montgomery’s bus system from 1955 to 1956. Through boycotts, marches, and deliberate violations of segregation law, activists sought to expose the fundamental injustice of a system that criminalizes someone for sitting down, ordering a meal, or using the bathroom. The often-brutal treatment that people endured, while they themselves put up no resistance, would hopefully elicit the sympathy of a broader audience, especially when their protests garnered substantial news coverage. It also aimed to interfere with segregation at every level of its operation, from occupying a lunch counter to filling up jails and court dockets, forcing the system to expend greater resources to sustain itself.
Martin Luther King Jr., John Lewis, and others insisted that the main value of nonviolence was not its utility as tactic. Rather, strict adherence to the principles of nonviolence would elevate the character of the person engaged in it. In addition to withstanding humiliation and abuse with saintly patience, they were to regard their oppressors with love and understanding and hopefully transform their oppressors’ characters as a result. This aspect of nonviolence proved controversial within the civil rights movement. Lewis recounts Stokely Carmichael as saying he “never saw it as his responsibility to be the moral and spiritual reclamation of some racist thug” (Book 2, Page 112). Carmichael’s skepticism seemed validated when nonviolent protests were met with ever-greater repression, but as the climactic march from Selma to Montgomery demonstrated, the relentless pressure of the masses demanding nothing other than the freedoms owed to them as American citizens could have a transformative impact, culminating in the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
March shows how one of the major challenges facing the civil rights movement was the various audiences it had to work with all at once. First and foremost, it had to convince the Black people of the Jim Crow South that they did not have to endure in silence the humiliations and abuses of existing systems. Their participation in sit-ins, marches, and various other efforts would not only call attention to the injustices of segregation, but also allow them to exhibit a dignity and self-respect that Jim Crow systematically denied them. The movement also had to communicate to local and state authorities throughout the Jim Crow South that protesters would neither back down to threats and violence nor provide a legitimate excuse for brutality. Nonviolent resistance, when met with a violent response, would expose the façade of “separate but equal” facilities, revealing the inherent cruelty of segregation against innocent people for no justifiable reasons. At the same time, activists ultimately had to appeal to federal authorities too. No matter how dedicated the campaign, those supporting Jim Crow would never give up power voluntarily; rather, they would utilize the power of the state and the mob to inflict as much terror and cruelty as possible. Only the federal government could force local police and courts to respect the equal rights of Black citizens, yet there was no guarantee that it would do so. Democratic presidents such as Kennedy and Johnson were generally friendly to the civil rights movement, but as Democrats, they were aware that their party’s monopoly on power in the South was rooted in the authoritarian regime of segregation. Upon signing the Civil Rights Act, President Johnson reportedly told an aide, “We [the Democratic Party] have lost the South for a generation” (Allen, Steven J. “We have lost the South for a generation…” Capital Research Center, 2014), and many of the most ardent supporters of segregation either switched to the Republican Party or formed third parties.
Any effort to communicate to one group risked alienating one of the others. Nonviolent resistance to gum up the works of segregation exerted a tremendous toll on volunteers, many of whom became frustrated with the lack of results and contemplated more confrontational approaches. Even though direct actions were overwhelmingly peaceful, at least when executed by the protesters, such actions still could alienate political leaders who viewed any demonstrations as destabilizing and potentially violent. White audiences seeing such actions on television could just as easily respond with annoyance or disgust. By 1968, Richard Nixon would win the presidency in no small part by appealing to the “silent majority” who were tired of constant upheaval and craved a restoration of “law and order.” Lewis’s response to these dilemmas was consistent: keep marching, keep organizing, keep up the pressure. Though this approach did not always elicit the response that activists wanted, it was the only way to make sure that the activists were driving the narrative and not giving others the power to determine their fate.
In the “Original Draft” of Lewis’s speech at the 1963 March on Washington, he declared, “We are now involved in a serious revolution” (Book 2, Page 186), yet he also clarified that this was a “nonviolent revolution” (Book 2, Page 187). This statement proved too controversial for the leaders of the movement, who insisted he change it to “serious social revolution” (Book 2, Page 168) so that his message did not sound like an assault on the entire political system. The civil rights movement was revolutionary insofar as it sought to overturn an oppressive system and replace it with a new one—the textbook understanding of a revolution. Jim Crow would have to be dismantled and new laws passed, fundamentally changing life in the South. However, there were good reasons for avoiding or at least hedging the term “revolution.” As Lewis’s critics pointed out, it was a key term in communist ideology, and Cold War tensions were high. There was fear that the Soviet government would either infiltrate the civil rights movement or would otherwise benefit from a campaign that divided American society. Furthermore, as the great French writer Alexis de Tocqueville observed in Democracy in America (1835-1840), democratic peoples “love change, but they dread revolutions” because they tend to believe in the basic justice of the social order and the possibility of gradual change, making them wary of seemingly radical efforts to bring about a new state of affairs.
Martin Luther King Jr. tried to square the circle by framing civil rights as a restoration of America’s original promise of equality for all, which had so far gone unfulfilled. Rather than overhaul society, protesters simply wanted the rights enshrined in the Declaration of Independence and the constitutional amendments following the Civil War. He expressed this message most clearly at the March on Washington, where his “I Have a Dream” speech insisted that Black Americans have simply come to “cash the check” written to them many years ago. Lewis’s position at that same event was more strident, even in its revised form. In addition to condemning the two-party system for each party having its share of segregationists, and the federal government for its inaction against the brutality of the Southern states, Lewis announced, “[W]e shall splinter the segregated South into a thousand pieces and put them together in the image of God and democracy” (Book 2, Page 171). The term “social” might modify the word “revolution,” but Lewis’s message remains unmistakably revolutionary. America would still be America, and might be truer to its ideals, but to do so, a fixture of American society would have to be destroyed.
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