Mules and Men

“Folklore is not as easy to collect as it sounds. The best source is where there are the least outside influences and these people, being usually under-privileged, are the shyest. They are most reluctant at times to reveal that which the soul lives by.”

Hurston concisely explains some of the difficulties in conducting ethnographic research and compiling folklore stories. “Outside influences” can affect this type of research because people behave differently when they know they are being observed. The “people” she refers to in the second and third sentences are the Black people from whom she will elicit the stories. She highlights that “under-privileged” groups are typically unfamiliar with the formalization of their traditional practices because of racist practices and ideologies perpetuated in white-centric academia.

“Well, they hides all de girls behind a curtain and you stick out yo’ toe. [...] When all de toes is in a line, sticking out from behind de sheet they let de men folks in and they looks over all de toes and buys de ones they want for a dime. Then they got to treat de lady dat owns dat toe to everything she want.”

This quote, spoken by an unnamed woman, explains how a “toe-party” works. This quote illuminates a specific community game while introducing readers to Hurston’s linguistic representation of African American English. Her representation of African American English is essential in accomplishing Hurston’s goal of appealing to “average” readers while maintaining an authentic representation of her research subjects. Furthermore, representation of colloquial language is important in the development of a literary tradition.

“‘Now, if you really called me to preach Christ and Him crucified, please gimme another sign.’ Sho nuff, jus’ as soon as he said dat, de voice said ‘Wanh-uh! Go preach! Go preach! Go preach!’ De man jumped up and says, ‘Ah knowed Ah been called. Dat’s de same voice. Dis time Ah’m goin ter ast Him where must Ah go preach.’ By dat time, de voice come agin and he looked ‘way off and seen a mule in de plantation lot wid his head all stuck out to bray agin. ‘Unh hunh, youse de very son of a gun dat called me to preach befo’.’ So he went on off and got a job plowin’. Dat’s whut he was called to do in de first place.”

This quote comes from the conclusion of Ellis Jones’s story about a man falsely called to preach, who later finds out that he heard a mule braying instead of God’s voice. In this humorous ending, Jones highlights the type of humor found in these tales. The tale employs many Christian themes, which is a common device found in nearly all the tales recorded in this work, highlighting how religion is important for the observed communities.

“Johnie Mae yawned wide open and Ernest seeing her called out, ‘Hey, there, Johnnie Mae, throw mah trunk out befo’ you shet up dat place!’ This reflection upon the size of her mouth peeved Johnnie Mae no end and she and Ernest left in a red hot family argument.”

This quote illustrates an important but not overtly discussed component of the folklore collection: the conversational norms of rural Black communities. Because the type of folklore recorded here is part of oral traditions, the conversations that happen outside of the storytelling are also recorded. Small exchanges such as this one might appear insignificant, but they reveal a great deal about these communities—especially the type of humor and jokes shared, interpersonal relationship dynamics, and social norms practiced within the group.

“I went outside to join the woofers, since I seemed to have no standing among the dancers. Not exactly a hush fell about the fire, but a lull came. I stood there awkwardly, knowing that the too-ready laughter and aimless talk was a window-dressing for my benefit. The brother in black puts a laugh in every vacant place in his mind. His laugh has a hundred meanings.”

This quote describes Hurston’s first night out in Loughman, where she is a stranger. It relates to her choice to begin the journey of collecting folklore in her hometown of Eatonville because, without the same familiarity, she is treated as an outsider and cannot collect data. Her commentary about the role of laughter offers insight into her own in-group knowledge, as well as into the difficulties of recording Black traditions. The implication of the last two sentences depicts a type of coping mechanism used to mask discomfort.

“‘Yeah, Ah done heard it,’ said Cliff, ‘but go on and tell it, Lonnie, so yo’ egg bag kin rest easy.’

‘Well, once upon a time was a good ole time. Monkey chew tobacco and spit white lime.’”

This quote contains dialogue spoken by Loughman residents Cliffert Ulman and Lennie Barnes (it is unclear if the name “Lonnie” in Cliffert’s dialogue is a typo or not). This quote contains two examples of regional idiomatic phrasing. The first from Cliffert’s dialogue (“yo’ egg bag kin rest easy”) is clarified by Hurston using footnotes. The second is a rhyming couplet found at the beginning or end of several other stories. These rhyming couplets are used by speakers to situate themselves in the practice of orating a story to an audience.

“‘Yeah,’ said Sack Daddy, ‘you sho is tellin’ de truth ‘bout dat big old mosquito ‘cause my ole man bought dat same piece of land and raised a crop of pumpkins on it and lemme tell y’all right now—mosquito dust is de finest fertilizer in de world. Dat land was so rich and we raised pumpkins so big dat we et five miles up in one of ’em and five miles down and ten miles acrost one and we ain’t never found out how far it went.’”

This quote is from a dialogue-heavy portion of Chapter 6, where the Loughman locals are sharing a bunch of “lies.” This quote illustrates a less formal lie, indicated in the work by its formatting that is not indented like the official lies, and is presented as Sack Daddy’s speech in quotation marks. His comment at the beginning that the others are telling the “truth” is ironic: The in-group members call the folklore tales “lies” because they are aware that these stories are factually incorrect. The following part about the pumpkins is exaggerated to the point of hyperbole to illustrate that this is a lie, even though he presents it as the objective truth.

“Ah’m tellin’ dis lie on de ‘gator. Well, de ‘gator was a pretty white varmint wid coal black eyes. He useter swim in de water, but he never did bog up in de mud lak he do now. When he come out de water he useter lay up on de clean grass so he wouldn’t dirty hisself all up. So one day he was layin’ up on de grass in a marsh sunnin’ hisself and sleepin’ when Brer Rabbit come bustin’ cross de marsh and run right over Brer ‘Gator before he stopped.”

This quote uses the “Brer” title to describe an anthropomorphic alligator and rabbit. A common tool in fairytales and folklore, anthropomorphism uses animals to teach about human values. The tale, spoken by a man named Sam Hopkins, is intended to explain why alligators are black, which operates on the presumption that they used to be white. This quote offers an example of the use of “Brer” because at first the alligator is not addressed with this title.

“[God] went ‘round clippin’ li’l pieces offa everything—de sky, de trees, de flowers, de earth, de varmints and every one of dem li’l clippin’s flew off. When folks seen all them li’l scraps fallin’ from God’s scissors and flutterin’ they called them flutter-bys. But you know how it is wid de brother in black. He got a big mouf and a stambling tongue. So he got it all mixed up and said, “butter-fly” and folks been calling ‘em dat ever since.”

This quote, containing the last portion of a tale told by Floyd Thomas, tells a story about the origins of butterflies. It is a good example of the origin tales found here because it illustrates the main construction of these stories: A fictional world is set, a problem (that is usually imagined; in this case, the lack of butterflies) is introduced, and the problem is resolved by creating or changing something. The part at the end where Black people are credited with changing the name from “flutter-by” to “butter-fly” highlights the reclamation themes that often underlie these tales.

“Behold de Rib!

Now, my beloved,

Behold means to look and see. 

Look at dis woman God done made,

But first thing, ah hah!

Ah wants you to gaze upon God’s previous works.

Almighty and arisen God, hah!

Peace-giving and prayer-hearing God,

High-riding and strong armed God

Walking across his globe creation, hah!”

This quote is the beginning of the traveling preacher’s sermon. The sermon’s formatting allows it to be read as a poem, illustrating the lyrical quality of his delivery. The “ah hah!” and “hah!” interjections, as explained by Hurston in the Glossary, represent the common expectation within southern Black Christian churches for the preacher to vocalize their passion. It is perhaps a coincidence that this preacher chose to give a sermon about genesis, but this allows it to fit within the thematic framework of the folklore section that largely deals with origin stories.

“But the very next pay-night when I went to a dance at the Pine Mill, Lucy tried to steal me. This is the local term for an attack by stealth. Big Sweet saved me and urged me to stay on, assuring me that she could always defend me, but I shivered at the thought of dying with a knife in my back, or having my face mutilated.”

In this quote explaining Hurston’s hasty departure from Loughman, she reveals another side of life in the company town. The tension between Hurston and Lucy indicates that the social boundaries within these communities are strict, and even Hurston, who is from nearby Eatonville, is treated as an outsider in Loughman. This illustrates the general difficulty of collecting research data from people in a non-academic setting, and it reveals some of the specific difficulties that arise within underserved communities, especially violence and shunning outsiders.

“The company operating the mines at Pierce maintains very excellent living conditions in their quarters. The cottages are on clean, tree-lined streets. There is a good hospital and a nine-months school. They will not employ a boy under seventeen so that the parents are not tempted to put minors to work. There is a cheerful community center with a large green-covered table for crap games under a shady oak.”

This quote describes Pierce, the third town Hurston visits in Part 1 to collect folklore. Pierce, like many communities in the region including Loughman, is a company town, wherein a company owns the area and employs most of the residents. The details mentioned here—such as the hospital, school, and rules against child labor—relate to the changing sociopolitical climate emerging at the end of the 1920s when Hurston was visiting Pierce.

“New Orleans is now and has ever been the hoodoo capital of America. Great names in rites that view with those of Hayti in deeds that keep alive the powers of Africa. Hoodoo, or Voodoo, as pronounced by the whites, is burning with a flame in America, with all the intensity of a suppressed religion. It has its thousands of secret adherents.”

Part 2 immediately begins with Hurston’s justification of selecting New Orleans to research hoodoo. Her claim that hoodoo “keep[s] alive the powers of Africa” concisely explains the anchoring point for the practice in relation to the African diaspora residing in the United States and Caribbean. Her description of hoodoo as “a suppressed religion” with “thousands” of members directly engages in the preexisting, mysterious rhetoric about hoodoo and its many misconceptions.

“Now, some white people say she hold hoodoo dance on Congo Square every week. But Marie Leveau never hold no hoodoo dance. That was a pleasure dance. They beat the drum with the shin bone of a donkey and everybody dance like they do in Hayti. Hoodoo is private. She give the dance the first Friday night in each month and they have crab gumbo and rice to eat and the people dance. The white people look on, and think they see all, when they only see a dance.”

In this quote spoken by Luke Turner, he discusses the matter of hoodoo as a private practice and the superstitions proliferated by the white community. His speech, like that of the people recorded in the first part, is written to reflect his regional accent. His claims that “white people [...] think they see all” about hoodoo is a recurring theme throughout Part 2: The dichotomy established between the white onlookers and presumably Black dancers in the square is rooted in racist social structures and the practice of exotification—conceptualizing a cultural practice as overly strange, foreign, or unnatural without justification simply because it is not associated with white or European traditions.

“Three days my body must lie silent and fasting while my spirit went wherever spirits must go that seek answers never given to men as men. I could have no food, but a pitcher of water was placed on a small table at the head of the couch, that my spirit might not waste time in search of water which should be spent in search of the Power-Giver. [...] For sixty-nine hours I lay there. I had five psychic experiences and awoke at last with no feeling of hunger, only one of exaltation.”

Hurston explains the first part of her initiation into Turner’s hoodoo practice. Her description is rather vague at points; she does not define what exactly a “spirit” is in this context nor elaborate on what her “psychic experiences” entailed. Yet the description remains vivid. The logic of the process, revealed through her explanation of why there is water present but no food, offers insight into the hoodoo tradition by revealing the underlying needs of the “spirit” and how it functions when those needs are not met.

“So Pierre took me with him to steal a new brick. We took the brick home and dressed nine black candles by writing the offensive doctor’s name on each. His name was written nine times on a piece of paper and placed face down on the brick. It was tied there securely with twine. We put the black candles to burn, one each for nine days, and then Pierre dug a well to the water table and slipped the brick slowly to the bottom. ‘Just like the brick soaks up the water, so that man will swell.’”

This quote concisely describes one of Anatol Pierre’s hoodoo rituals designed for revenge against another doctor who slandered Pierre. The ritual highlights some of the common hoodoo practices recorded in this book, such as the emphasis on the number nine, use of candles, and symbolism enacted by the brick. Like most of the other hoodoo rituals in Part 2, this ritual operates on retribution, as the practitioner seeks a return for a perceived wrong.

“Suddenly the Rooster and Mary rushed in close to the pot and he cried, ‘Look out! This is liable to kill you. Hold your nerve!’ They both looked fearfully around the circle. They communicated some unearthly terror to me. Maybe I went off into a trance. Great beast-like creatures thundered up to the circle from all sides. Indescribable noises, sights, and feelings. Death was at hand! Seemed unavoidable! I don’t know. Many times I have thought and felt, but I always have to say the same thing. I don’t know. I don’t know.”

Hurston describes the ritual to get the Black Cat Bone with Father Watson (the “Fizzly Rooster”), which is one of the more fantastical hoodoo rituals recorded in this book. Hurston’s use of short, sometimes incomplete sentences, and her repeated admission at the end of the quote that she does not know how to explain what transpired, engages with the mysterious, spiritual elements of hoodoo. The supernatural implications described cannot be validated, but the dynamic revealed between the practitioners in this scene illustrates the strong psychological component to the hoodoo practice.

“Ghosts feel hot and smell faintish. According to testimony all except those who died in the dark may visit their former homes every night at twelve o’clock. But they must be back in the cemetery at two o’clock sharp or they will be shut out by the watchman and must wander about for the rest of the night. That is why the living are frightened by seeing ghosts at times. Some spirit has lingered too long with the living person it still loves and has been shut out from home.”

This is a specific superstition involving the dead that relates to hoodoo beliefs. Dying “in the dark” refers to those who are executed, thus passing with their faces covered in a hood. The details in this quote, such as specifying the time of day, further emphasize the importance of these components throughout hoodoo practice. The final phrase about people being frightened by ghosts employs empathy toward the wandering spirits, indicating their status as important beings in hoodoo beliefs.

“[Mrs. Grant] seized her husband’s razor and split the live bird down the breast and thrust her fist inside. As the hot blood and entrails enveloped her hand, she went into a sort of frenzy, shouting: ‘I got her, I got her, I got her now!’”

This quote describes the end of the story about Mrs. Grant and her enemy, wherein Mrs. Grant must counteract the War Powder and loss of blood. The vivid scene illustrates the emotional component that underlies hoodoo. Because many of the rituals are aimed to counteract or incur a certain outcome based on the actions of others, the practice is embroiled in emotions. Mrs. Grant, who delves into a “frenzy” when she feels she has finally counteracted her enemy’s engagement, represents many who seek hoodoo as a solution to interpersonal problems. 

“We were to dance three hours, and the time was divided equally, so that the more participants the less time each was called upon to dance. [...] Plenty of liquor was provided so that when one appeared exhausted the bottle was pressed to his lips and he danced on. But the fury of the rhythm more than the stimulant kept the dancers going. The heel-patting was a perfect drum rhythm, and the hand clapping had various stimulating breaks. At any rate no one fell from exhaustion, though I know that even I, the youngest, could not have danced continuously on an ordinary dance floor unsupported by a partner for that length of time.”

This description of the death summoning dance conducted by Kitty Brown illustrates some important components of hoodoo and its relation to dance. Hoodoo is heavily influenced by traditions from West Africa and the Caribbean, and dance serves as an integral tradition for many peoples from these regions. Dance is a consistent topic of discussion throughout Part 2, and this climactic end to the main part of Hurston’s work emphasizes the importance of dance in the Black communities in the south.

“John Henry driving on the right hand side, / Steam drill driving on the left, / Says, ‘fore I’ll let your steam drill beat me down / I’ll hammer my fool self to death / Hammer my fool self to death.”

This is the first verse of the song “John Henry,” one of the folk songs intended for a working rhythm. John Henry is a famous Black folklore figure, who heroically represents the many freed slaves employed to build railway systems across the US. There are many iterations of his tale, but in this particular song, he is opposed to the steam drill—an emerging technology of the Industrial Revolution. This song and the figure of John Henry illustrate some of the struggles faced by Black Americans after the Civil War, which remains essential to Black identity at the time this book was written.

“To give anyone the running feet: Take sand out of one of his tracks and mix the sand with red pepper; throw some into a running stream of water and this will cause the person to run from place to place, until finally he runs himself to death.”

This excerpt from the “Formulae of Hoodoo Doctors” portion of the Appendix details a rather simple ritual to kill a chosen victim. The phrase “running feet” operates symbolically in line with the “running stream of water,” which is an essential mode of hoodoo practice. The rather vague promised outcome of this formula—namely, that the victim will run themselves “to death”—promises an outcome without guaranteeing a timeframe, which is a common situation in many of the practices recorded in this work.

“The Bible. All hold that the Bible is the great conjure book in the world. Moses is honored as the greatest conjurer. ‘The names he knowed to call God by was what give him the power to conquer Pharoah and divide the Red Sea.’”

This is the final item on the list of “Paraphernalia of Conjure” in the Appendix, of a total of 38 entries. Listing the Bible as not only a conjuring material but also as “the great[est] conjure book” solidifies hoodoo’s Christian roots to readers. In emphasizing the Christian elements of hoodoo, Hurston renders her depiction of the practice as more complete than other representations of hoodoo or hoodoo-related practices in media.