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Zora Neale HurstonA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
The theme of honesty is one of the book’s most salient themes and is inextricably linked to the folklore elements of Mules and Men. In Part 1, Hurston introduces the term “lies” to refer to the folklore stories, which engages the role of honesty—or perhaps more accurately, factuality—as it relates to folklore. In Part 2, much of the lore surrounding hoodoo is steeped in lies: The practice is identified as being “private,” thus reserved for in-group members, rendering it the object of mass speculation from non-members. Finally, Hurston’s own role in the work is one that relates to honesty and dishonesty, particularly in relation to the nonfiction genre and her portrayal of real events. This work does not aim to take a stance on the role of honesty and dishonesty as it pertains to cultural representation; rather, it grapples with the question of whether being honest and telling the truth are the same thing.
Part 1 deals primarily with the recording of folklore to establish a larger body of work representing Black and African American traditions in the American South. These folktales, as Hurston recognized in her research, are most often a culture’s first attempts to understand the intricate workings of the world. Because folklore comprises a community’s initial conceptualizations of the world, many of the tales that proliferate across generations are fantastical or mythical; they are, in one sense, untrue because they are not factual assessments. The communities portrayed in this work are aware of this aspect of folklore, calling the stories “lies.” Yet the discussions held around these “lies” are often embroiled in a debate over their validity: When Big Sweet tells a story about a talking goat in Chapter 7 of Part 1, Jim Allen tells her, “You know damn well dat goat ain’t broke a breath wid you and nobody else” (112). The pattern of telling a folktale being met with discussion about its validity, and the underlying element of myth involved in folklore as a whole, illustrate the complex relationship these communities have with their “lies.” These “lies” do not aim necessarily to assess the workings of an ancient, lesser developed world, as is often the case for folklore, because the enslaved Africans who began these oral traditions were forced to establish a new communal mythos in the 16th-19th centuries. Instead, the function of many of these “lies” is to remember and maintain ancestral oral traditions that have been altered and mixed over time.
In Part 2, honesty and truth play a different role. The information about hoodoo is relayed as factual, and there is no reason to doubt the validity of the vast majority of Hurston’s record. There are some smaller instances of potential dishonesty, such as the various claims of relation to Marie Laveau: Luke Turner and Anatol Pierre say they are related to Laveau but do not provide concrete proof. The larger role of truth in this portion of the work, however, involves the validity of the hoodoo practices. Hurston does not directly assess the material she records in terms of its validity, but she often offers very subtle commentary about this aspect. When describing Father Watson’s practice in Chapter 4 of Part 2, he sells “keys that were guaranteed to unlock every door and remove every obstacle” to the holder for “five dollars each” (214), which equates to over $80 in 2022. Although she offers no judgment about Father Watson’s honesty in this claim, her choice to mention the price specifically implies that she questions his honesty, perhaps going so far as to suggest that it is a scam. By not assessing the abstract truth of hoodoo and whether the rituals actually produce the results they claim, Hurston frames the discussion around the practitioners themselves: It is their own honesty or dishonesty that impacts the truthfulness and authenticity of their practice.
Finally, honesty relates directly to Hurston. The context in which she produced this work is heavily entwined in the author’s personal life: From her choice to begin the research process in her own hometown, to her overt presence in the work itself, Mules and Men is deeply personal. In his Foreword, Arnold Rampersad assesses Hurston’s relationship to the work and finds that the folklore is an “ineradicable part of herself” (xxiii). Hurston’s entire body of work outside of Mules and Men blurs the line between fiction and nonfiction, fact and falsehood, and honesty and dishonesty. This delicate balance of the real and fake anchors her work firmly in the modernist literary tradition. This is the source of much of the debate about whether she fictionalized any portions of Mules and Men. Ultimately, she negotiates the space between honesty and dishonesty, coming to the conclusion that very few things in the world are true or false—there is much gray area between these two extremes. This stance allows Hurston to truthfully and authentically represent the people recorded in Mules and Men without relying on complete honesty.
The thematic importance of finding or creating origins is an important component of Mules and Men. The loose structure of the work and Hurston’s portrayal of folklore and intergenerational traditions as art are particularly important in establishing this theme. For Hurston on a personal level, and for many people of color in the United States, finding and creating an origin story is an essential journey toward developing a strong identity within the white-default sociocultural context.
Many of the folklore tales are origin stories, and the frequency with which this story type is used indicates its importance. Folklore in all cultures aims to make sense of the world and one’s place within it, so origin stories are common archetypes across many folklore traditions. The importance of establishing an origin story within the Black community in the United States, however, functions in a slightly different way: Many enslaved Africans were forcibly deprived of the knowledge and traditions of their homelands, as white, Christian culture was forced upon them. Many traditions and practices were intentionally eradicated by white slave owners who sought to eliminate any humanity or self-expression from enslaved people. Black folklore in the United States, therefore, emphasizes the establishment of unique origin stories to reconstruct the mythos taken from their ancestors. The origin stories recorded in Mules and Men deal with a wide range of topics and often explain and examine the origins of things that appear disparate from one another—for example, there are origin stories examining why people have different colored skin, why animals behave a certain way, or how a tool is made. These explorations into virtually all aspects of life illustrate that Black folklore often seeks to reclaim autonomy.
For Hurston, the establishment of an origin story operates similarly. Her choice to return to her hometown and record the “lies” she was already familiar with illustrates a desire to return to her own origins. This is further emphasized by her presence in the book. Some readers might question why she allows herself to appear in the work at all, especially since this is a nonfiction work of research. As both Rampersad and Gates argue in their respective Foreword and Afterword sections of the book, this is motivated by Hurston’s own journey to find herself through a reconnection to Black folklore. As she moves between hoodoo doctors in Part 2, this journey remains important because she participates in the rituals and initiations, undoubtedly learning about herself and her capabilities. Hurston navigates her rediscovery of her origins through both the enriching collection of material for this book and returning to her hometown as an adult.
Another thematic component of this work is the importance and use of language as a form of identity. Language is a social tool used in part to signify group relationships. The language used in this work, as written by Hurston to convey the regional and social dialects, is essential in establishing the identity of the communities she studies. Her choice to represent the language in a semi-phonetic composition illustrates that these linguistic elements are important to the people and customs examined in this work.
There are several components to the language that contextualize it as a form of identity. First, the language represents speakers of the Southern American dialects, particularly those found in the Deep South. There are some subtle differences between the accents of the people from Florida and Louisiana. For example, the word “yes” is used in the Louisiana accent tagged onto the end of phrases that are otherwise already complete, such as when Old Lady Celestine says “I want it all in nickels, please, yes” in Chapter 6 of Part 2 (231). Floridians do not use this word in the same way. Secondly, this language is representative of African American English, or Black English. African American English is a sociolect: A dialect used within a certain social group—in this case, Black Americans. While their accents are regionally linked to their geographic location, this sociolect is more indicative of a sociocultural identity. Finally, most of the language in the dialogue and folktales uses nonstandard grammatical forms. In linguistics, standard grammar refers to the use of expected and “correct” forms; however, the relationship between standard and nonstandard grammatical forms is not so straightforward. Standardized speech is heavily entrenched in white-centric linguistic views, often labeling sociolects that employ nonstandard forms as “incorrect,” even though all members can effectively communicate using the nonstandard forms. Overall, these components illustrate the importance of language as a social tool.
Thematically, language as an expression of identity grants greater depth and authenticity to the matters discussed in Mules and Men. To eliminate any one aspect of the language used by the people recorded here would eliminate a core aspect of their identity. Hurston’s acknowledgement of this situation is indicative of her in-group knowledge as a Black person, and it allows her to illustrate the value of a sociolect that is so often labeled as incorrect.
By Zora Neale Hurston