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Aristotle

Rhetoric

Nonfiction | Essay Collection | Adult

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Themes

Political, Social, and Intellectual Context

The historical context in which Aristotle wrote is crucial to fully understanding the Rhetoric. Although the principles outlined in this work are generally flexible and easily adapted to different circumstances—by design—they are understandably founded on the basis of Athenian democracy, which flourished roughly from 510 to 323 BCE. This was a time of major intellectual and political upheaval, and as Aristotle lived and wrote in the final decades of this period, this work (along with the rest of Aristotle’s writings) could be seen as a culmination of Greek Classical thought.

The advent of Athenian radical democracy necessitated the invention of rhetoric as a field of study. Under this system, adult male citizens had no representation in government; instead, every Athenian man had the right (and the obligation) to sit and vote in the public assembly (the seat of government, which made legislative decisions and decided other important matters concerning the city-state). During debates in the assembly, any citizen was allowed to speak, as well, and to contribute to the political discussion. Assembly meetings had a quorum of 6,000 (at least 10 percent of the eligible citizen population), meaning that matters of great importance depended on which speeches held the broadest appeal to the citizenry.

Similarly, Athenian citizens had no representation in law courts. Whether accusing or defending, men had to speak for themselves or as representatives of their dependents. Like the assembly, the law courts decided matters by vote; depending on the circumstances, a jury could consist of anywhere from 201 to 1,501 citizens, chosen by lot. The need to speak persuasively in the courts made rhetorical training essential for those involved in public life. Thus two of the three branches of oratory, deliberative and forensic, are of particularly widespread importance in democratic states.

The effects of the Athenian democracy extended well beyond the study of rhetoric and touched nearly every aspect of Athenian life. Since every citizen male was equal under this system, nobility and power took on new connotations that we see reflected in the Rhetoric. In his discussion of “good birth” (nobility), Aristotle elaborates: “The term ‘well-born’ applies merely to descent from good stock [...] such persons usually are insignificant enough” (138). Although being born to a good family still brought certain privileges, Aristotle shows that there is no further honor attendant upon it; this argument is easy to make in a society that has effectively done away with class distinction. Aristotle’s description of power, too, shows the impact of democracy on society: for example, power and wealth do not go hand-in-hand under this system, and Aristotle treats them entirely separately. Although they have many of the same flaws as the wealthy, powerful men have some distinctions that one would not associate with inherited status: “[M]en in power are characterized by a higher ambition and greater manliness […] They are dignified rather than overbearing” (140). These are qualities that attend men who have acquired their power through action rather than an accident of birth, as would be the case under other social and political systems.

The influence of Athenian democracy resonates throughout Aristotle’s Rhetoric, yet it is important to note that this was not the only system of government in Greece at the time. Aristotle himself was not even from Athens (though he spent his formative years there, studying under the philosopher Plato), and he was closely affiliated with the Macedonian royal court (eventually becoming the tutor of Alexander the Great). Aristotle acknowledges the existence of other forms of government (oligarchy, aristocracy, and monarchy) and advises the reader to master all of these forms in order to adjust his rhetoric toward the character of that government. It is important for the reader to understand that the author takes the Athenian democratic audience as his default. Indeed, the omnipresence of rhetoric in Athenian society informs the entire project of the Rhetoric, and nearly every aspect of Aristotle’s method originates from the experience of the radical democracy.

The Classical Period of Ancient Greece, which corresponds to the period of Athenian democracy, was a time of remarkable intellectual development. As a one-time student of the philosopher Plato, who was himself a follower of Socrates, Aristotle was an academic giant and philosophical innovator.

In tackling the Rhetoric, Aristotle also drew on a long history of rhetorical thought dating back beyond the origins of democracy. As democracy expanded its scope and the need for speaking instruction became apparent, itinerant rhetoric teachers called Sophists began to offer their services. The orator Isocrates established the first permanent school of rhetoric at Athens, and he produced many model speeches for his students to emulate. Others also produced handbooks of rhetoric, several of which are referenced (disparagingly) in the Rhetoric. It is against this background that Aristotle produced his Rhetoric, which was by far the most thorough and systematic treatise on the topic to date. An awareness of the shortcomings of other treatises suffuses this work: “[I]t is clear that our authors of handbooks [...] are dwelling upon irrelevant matters, for their rules have to do, simply and solely, with the production of a certain mental attitude in the judge” (3). It is helpful for the reader to recall that the minute detail of this work reflects the author’s deliberate improvement over the deficiencies of previous rhetorical works. Perhaps the most striking innovation is the development of the enthymeme, on which see Symbols and Motifs.

The Audience and Its Deficiencies

As established in our discussion of Athenian democracy, above, any discussion of rhetoric in the time of Aristotle had to bear in mind their democratic audience: in most circumstances, a public speaker would be addressing hundreds or thousands of common, non-expert countrymen.  

Furthermore, since the eligible population of Athens was only in the tens of thousands, a significant proportion of the citizenry needed to participate in order for the democracy to function. This meant that a speaker could not always count on a particular demographic being over- or under-represented among the audience; they had to be prepared to appeal to any sort of Athenian man.

An awareness of the audience (generally presumed to be a democratic audience, though not always) permeates this work and shapes Aristotle’s entire argument. The audience is particularly important when Aristotle turns to character (ethos) and emotion (pathos). As the author explains: “Now Rhetoric finds its end in judgment [...] and hence the speaker must not merely see to it that his speech [as an argument] shall be convincing and persuasive, but he must [in and by the speech] give the right impression of himself, and get his judge [audience] into the right state of mind” (91). While both of these devices can focus on the speaker (his character and his emotional state), the greater consideration is how to adapt to the character of an audience, and how to evince certain emotions in them. Ultimately, of course, the audience must factor into every element of the study of rhetoric, since they are the ones who must be persuaded. 

Aristotle devotes such care to the character of the democratic audience and the best means of influencing them, yet it does not follow that he finds this situation ideal. On the contrary, the author repeatedly reminds us of the “uncultivated mentality of an audience” (153), which prevents the orator from practicing rhetoric in its ideal form. For example, Aristotle regrets the inclusion of emotion as a rhetorical tool, since facts ought ideally to bring justice on their own: “Nevertheless [...] external matters do count for much, because of the sorry nature of an audience” (184). As he elaborates later: “Indeed, they (the audience) are always in sympathy with an emotional speaker even when there is nothing in what he says” (198). Regarding structure, too, Aristotle opines that the proem is ideally unnecessary: “They are for the audience, an audience that is weak enough to accept utterances beside the point; and if audiences were not what they are, there would be no need of any proem beyond a summary statement of the matter in question” (224). The consideration of the audience as an essential element of rhetoric, though grudging, thus exerts a powerful influence on the essence of Aristotle’s rhetorical method.

The Treatise as Persuasion

Rhetoric, the topic of this treatise, is the art of persuasion; practically every consideration in this work focuses overtly on the need to persuade through speech. Aristotle revolutionized the study of rhetoric with the methodical structuring of this work, breaking every possible element down to its constituent parts for examination. The author identifies three primary tools of persuasion: logical argument (logos), character (ethos), and emotion (pathos). In addition, Aristotle identifies commonplace lines of argument (topoi) that speakers employ in various circumstances, and he outlines the proper use of style and structure to the best persuasive advantage. An overarching consideration impacting all of these tools is the style of oratory: forensic (for use in law courts); deliberative (for use in political debate); and epideictic (for use in ceremonial addresses). All of this incorporates a minute understanding of the audience’s psychology.

Taken as a whole, the Rhetoric itself constitutes a persuasive argument, exemplifying certain key elements of Aristotle’s method. The structure of the work follows the author’s ideal rhetorical structure, which does not waste space on opening or concluding remarks beyond the most perfunctory introductions and epilogues. Rather, he advocates for two parts: “Necessarily, you state your case, and you prove it” (220). Book 1 of the Rhetoric, accordingly, establishes the basic principles and assumptions behind the work, and Books 2 and 3 constitute the “arguments” elucidating and defending this arrangement.

The “arguments” themselves (that is, Aristotle’s elaborations upon ethos, pathos, logos, style, and structure, as well as his more general points in Book 1) often appear in one of the two forms of proof that the author identifies: enthymeme and example. With regard to examples, the Rhetoric is suffused with quotations from great ancient works (such as the Iliad), revered Athenian thinkers (such as Euripides), and more recent orators and thinkers. The supportive effect of these examples is similar to that which Aristotle identifies in oratory: “Examples function like witnesses—and there is always a tendency to believe a witness” (149).

Similarly, enthymemes (syllogisms with generally one premise missing) often appear in defense of statements. One striking example of this comes in a discussion of enthymemes: “These are the reasons why uneducated men are more effective than the educated in speaking to the masses […] Educated men lay down abstract principles and draw general conclusions” (156). The final sentence of the work, most tellingly, acts as both an example of an ideal rhetorical epilogue, and as an epilogue to the Rhetoric itself: “I have done; you all have heard; you have the facts; give your judgment” (241).

By incorporating the idealized and preferred elements of rhetoric into the structure of the work itself, Aristotle (perhaps unwittingly) transforms his reader into an audience member experiencing the process of being persuaded.

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