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Dallaire was inspired by his parents to join the military. His father, Sergeant Roméo Louis Dallaire, was an officer from Quebec in the Canadian army His mother, Catherine Vermeassen, was a “war bride” (9) from the Netherlands, meaning she met his father while he was stationed in Europe during World War II. During the war, his father trained French paratroopers in Scotland.
Growing up, Dallaire heard his mother talk about the horrors of war she experienced while living in the Nazi-occupied Netherlands and the hope given to her when the Canadian soldiers arrived. Dallaire describes his parents as moral exemplars: “I saw in my parents a courage that had led them to look beyond their own self-interest, to offer their own lives to defeat an evil that had threatened the peace and security of much of the world” (12).
Dallaire grew up in a lower-class French-speaking (Francophone) neighborhood in Montreal that was heavily polluted by the local oil industry. The French-speaking and English-speaking (Anglophone) kids in the area organized into gangs and fought with each other. Since he could speak both English and French he had friends on both sides, which made him seem “possibly a traitor” (13). Hoping to have a career in the Canadian military, Dallaire started working hard in school so he could enter a military college, which usually only admitted the children of higher-profile officers in the army.
When Dallaire was accepted into the prestigious Collège Militaire Royal de Saint-Jean (CMR), his father suggested he change his surname from the French Dallaire to the more English-sounding Dallairds. His father also warned him that even if he found a career in the military rewarding, it might demand a great deal from himself and his family. Finally, “no civilian, no government, sometimes not even the army itself, would recognize the true nature of the sacrifices he made” (18). Although Dallaire did not change his surname, he took the rest of the advice to heart.
At CMR and while training to be a gunner, Dallaire experienced discrimination and alienation as a Francophone student at an institution that was designed for English speakers. Dallaire reflects that he “never fully belonged to either” the Anglophone or Francophone groups of students and “was always a little apart” (19). When the President of France, Charles de Gaulle, made a statement on television in support of Quebecois independence from Canada, Dallaire became more of an outsider: “I was part of the evil empire that was threatening to tear the country apart” (22). Still, he and other Francophone soldiers at CMR campaigned for bilingual reforms.
After graduating from CMR, Dallaire was placed with one of several new French Canadian artillery units. At the time he formally joined the military, there were strikes, student protests, and “pretty violent” actions from the French Canadian population. This included the rise of the Font de liberation du Québec (FDR), which advocated for Quebec’s separation from Canada. During the October Crisis, when the FDR kidnapped James Cross, the British ambassador to Canada, Dallaire was selected to serve as a lieutenant. He and his soldiers were stationed to serve against a possible insurrection in Montreal, a scenario that could have set Dallaire against his own family and neighbors. At one point, a car sped up and stopped in front of one of his troops and the driver attacked the soldier. The situation resolved peacefully, but for Dallaire calls it “one of the most difficult ethical and moral dilemmas of my military career” (25).
Dallaire advanced in the military, eventually serving as a “streamer,” an officer regarded by higher-ups as having the potential to become a general. Dallaire faced his first tragedy when six soldiers were killed because Dallaire had inexperienced drivers transporting a group of heavy supply trucks on a dangerous road (31). In his personal life, Dallaire married and started a family with Beth Roberge, a kindergarten teacher at a military base and the daughter of a lieutenant colonel.
Despite his success, his career was still tainted by his Quebecois origins. Some of his fellow officers shunned him because they thought he was being “fast tracked” (33-34) due to being a Francophone. Dallaire found himself at odds with the military leadership and with the media because of his French-speaking background. He protested to leadership that orders were usually given in English, not French, and used specific English military jargon.
Dallaire was promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel and worked as a commandant at his old military school. At the time, the heightening of the Cold War in the 1980s led to calls to increase Canada’s military budget, a cause he promoted unsuccessfully. In 1993, when he was assigned to lead a UN peacekeeping mission in Rwanda as a major general, he was so unfamiliar with the country that he asked the military official, “Rwanda, that’s somewhere in Africa, isn’t it?” (42).
Dallaire had to take a crash course on Rwandan history and politics. However, finding detailed information was difficult because “Rwanda had never been considered important enough by scholars in the West to warrant extensive study” (48). At the time of his mission, peace was being negotiated between the government of Rwanda and its France-backed military, the Rwandan Government Forces (RGF), and a rebel faction, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). By the time Dallaire arrived in Rwanda, the RPF occupied northern Rwanda behind a demilitarized zone established by the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The president of Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, asked the UN to send a peacekeeping force to monitor the border between Rwanda and Uganda to prevent weapons being smuggled to the RPF.
The RGF was largely controlled by the Hutus, and ethnic group who comprised the majority of Rwanda’s population. Many of those leading the RPF were from the Tutsi population, who were the ethnic minority but historically ruled over Rwanda. When Rwanda was colonized in the late 19th century, the Belgians “exacerbated the feudal state of peasant Hutus and overlord Tutsis” (47). A revolution concluding in 1962 made Rwanda independent from Belgium and abolished Rwanda’s Tutsi monarchy. During this time, many Tutsis were massacred by the government or driven to the neighboring countries of Uganda, Zaire, and Burundi. In 1973, a Hutu general, Juvénal Habyarimana, rose to power and became a dictator. Habyarimana was still President of Rwanda by 1993 but had been stripped of most of his political power and forced to agree to the Arusha Peace Agreement between the government and the RPF, which would establish a new, democratic, multi-ethnic government.
As his mission began, Dallaire found that the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) was underfunded compared to other UN offices because “no one but the French and possibly the Belgians had any interest in that part of the world” (51). Although Dallaire was expected to do the peacekeeping work on a thin budget, he was optimistic about his mission.
In these early chapters, Dallaire presents an autobiographical account of his life up to joining the UN mission in Rwanda. He sets up several details about his past experiences that illuminate his behavior and feelings about the Rwanda military trying to bridge the gap between Anglophone and Francophone Canadians n Genocide as described later in the book. Specifically, his experiences as a child and new military recruit mirror the ethnic conflicts between Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda. Although of course the Rwandan conflict was far more severe than anything Dallaire experienced, he still was pushed into conflicts with another group, had to deal with discrimination from authorities, and was placed in a situation where tensions between the two communities could erupt into violence. Because he was bilingual, Dallaire also occupied a position between these factions, and his position in the liminal space between Francophone and Anglophone foreshadows his eventual position as a negotiator between opposing factions in Rwanda. In addition, Dallaire’s early career reflects issues concerning Bureaucracy and Political Needs versus Humanitarian Intervention and explains his inherent aversion to bureaucracy and fraught relationship with politicians. On his attempt to help argue for an increase in Canada’s military budget in 1989, Dallaire described his reaction to the failure of the push for that increase as “shocked anger and disbelief” (38). By sharing these earlier experiences, Dallaire establishes his major themes as issues that extend beyond the specific circumstances he encountered in Rwanda. Instead, he traces the patterns of ethnic tensions, civil war, and military and political bureaucracy as an obstacle to good governance to argue that what would happen in Rwanda was not an exception but the natural consequence of cynical priorities.
Conversely, Dallaire explicitly establishes some of the conflict-specific issues that would plague his mission in Rwanda. On the world stage, Rwanda was often ignored. The lack of international interest made it hard for Dallaire to learn about the country before his deployment there, suggesting that even well-meaning peacekeeping officials were not given the information necessary to prepare for their mission. Despite Dallaire’s early optimism, the world’s neglect of Rwanda and his impressions of how underfunded and overworked the UN’s peacekeeping office was foreshadow the troubles he would soon face, and frame the narrative arc of the book as a story of disillusionment in the face of preventable atrocity.
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