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48 pages 1 hour read

Thomas Paine

The American Crisis

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1776

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Chapters 11-12Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 11 Summary: “The Crisis X. On the King of England’s Speech”

Paine explains that Americans have been curious about King George III’s latest speech, which they laughingly dismissed. King George III justifies the war as in the best interest of the “free people” of Britain, prompting Paine to accuse the King of “ignorance and obstinacy” for trying to “make a merit of his crime” (129).

While Paine optimistically states that America “the child of fate, is arriving at maturity,” he cautions his readers from assuming that their independence is guaranteed (131-132). He scolds Americans who do not understand that proper defense requires funds and violence and warns them against complacency.

Paine addresses the next part of this essay to the Americans and announces he will write on the topic of financial requirements for winning the war. He responds to three aspects of Congress’s recent financial resolutions: first, on the amount itself, secondly on the nature of the union, and thirdly the manner of collection and spending (138). Paine claims that Congress’s tax estimate is the minimum amount for the army’s necessities and payment and warns Americans against underfunding.

He pleads with Americans and their individual states to cooperate and contribute sufficient taxes to the Federal Government. Paine writes that each state has a duty to provide Congress with adequate funding for the war, and Congress has an obligation to understand and report how it has been spent. Paine quotes a new regulation from the Office of Finance which stipulates that tax receivers will publish tax information, including names, dates, and sums, in local newspapers. Paine argues that the common people should be as informed as the government in a “free country” such as America.

Paine praises America’s newfound “order and economy” and explains that since an honest government has nothing to fear or to hide, it should publish regular expenditure accounts (144). He reiterates that Americans should not be petitioning for lower taxes when the country cannot afford to defend itself for any less, and that taxes allow Americans to live in “prosperous tranquility” (144).

Chapter 12 Summary: “The Crisis XI. On the Present State of News.”

Paine explains that this essay is mostly directed to the British ministry, whom he describes as “forever changing and forever wrong” (145). Paine laments the human cost of the war and reminds the British that regardless of their present willingness to negotiate, they cannot bring back the American dead. He accuses Britain of using peace negotiations with America as a pretense to deceive its enemies France and Spain, and break America’s alliance with France. Paine implores the American people to resist any of the British government’s “insidious arts” that he claims they will try in their negotiations (150).

Paine accuses Britain of seeking to destroy America’s reputation so that other nations will be hesitant to establish good relations with America. Paine claims that nothing damages a nation’s reputation like breaking a treaty, and he defends America’s alliance with France as honorable and claims that America’s affairs have “flourished” under it (150).

Paine leaves his readers with encouragement to persist against the British and reminds his readers that the British still occupy New York, Charleston, and Savannah. He assumes that the British government is currently facing the “impossibility” of continuing the war and urges them to come to a “fair and open peace” with America and other nations (152).

Chapters 11-12 Analysis

In his tenth “Crisis” Paine resurrects his former moralizing tone to paint King George III as a deceitful tyrant. Paine weaponizes the King’s own speech against him by scrutinizing his claims about America and the war. Paine quotes the King as saying that while Britain’s military had been defeated in Virginia, they were committed to restoring America’s “deluded subjects” to the “happy and prosperous” condition they lived in before the war (130). Paine scolds this “offensive falsehood,” and argues that America’s prosperity stemmed from colonist’s work and not British support. Paine rejects the King’s characterization of his cause as just and instead accuses him of barbarism. Paine again uses religious imagery to enrich his arguments for his largely Christian audience and compares the King to the biblical Pharaoh who foolishly pursued Moses and perished in the Red Sea.

Paine builds on his previous essays’ arguments to chastise Americans who take their country’s independence for granted. The author uses intense language and imagery to frighten his American readers into a renewed fear of a British invasion. Paine details the punishment the Duke of Cumberland meted out to defeated troops and civilians in Scotland who were murdered, raped, or had their property destroyed during a conflict over the throne:

The women, after having seen their husbands and fathers murdered, were subjected to brutal violation, and then turned out naked, with their children, to starve on the barren heaths. One whole family was enclosed in a barn and consumed to ashes (134).

Paine explains that he describes this moment to show Americans what they may suffer if the British conquer them, and to persuade them that they must support all necessary preparations to ensure their continued safety and happiness.

Paine understands that the colonists are wary of being heavily taxed and so makes several detailed arguments to counter these sentiments. Paine explains that the war for independence is the “public’s war” which is fought on their behalf and for their interests and is not being fought solely for the interests of Congress or the assemblies (136). Therefore, he argues, it is every American’s obligation to contribute to the war effort. Preventing British atrocities will be cheaper for Americans than confronting them, asking, “Can the country bear to be overrun, ravaged, and ruined by an enemy?” (139).

Paine explains that because the army’s first priorities would be to feed, clothe and arm the soldiers, if there was a deficiency in funds it would be taken from their pay, which “would be defrauding them, and eternally disgracing ourselves” (139). He also notes that it requires money to transport troops, and so underfunding them would mean wasting money feeding and clothing an army that cannot move to fight where they are needed, and Paine persuades his readers that this would be a poor investment. He rejects the idea that Americans cannot pay more tax, saying that they are the wealthiest three million people in the world.

Paine also continues to develop his theme of the immense importance of the thirteen states’ union, which he describes as “the foundation-stone” of American independence (141). He persuades his readers that the union’s “sacred” constitution must be respected, and all states must act together or not at all. Paine urges the states to cooperate and refrain from protesting or questioning Congress’ decisions. He explains that because constituents are adequately represented in Congress by their representatives, once Congress makes its decisions, everyone has been heard equally. He emphasizes that, as unified states, states will be supported should they meet financial or war-caused difficulties, implying that the people’s taxes may come back to them when they most need assistance. 

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