The American Crisis

“Britain, with an army to enforce her tyranny, has declared that she has a right (not only to TAX) but ‘to BIND us in ALL CASES WHATSOEVER,’ and if being bound in that manner, is not slavery, then is there not such a thing as slavery upon earth.”

Paine continually compares being royal subject to a form of enslavement, though never mentions the fact that many American colonists own slaves themselves or otherwise benefit from the system of American slavery. This hypocrisy appears throughout Paine’s essays.

“Let it be told to the future world, that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive, that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet and to repulse it.”

This quote demonstrates Paine’s typical poetic prose and his ability to effectively inspire his readers to unite in support of independence. It also paints the American people as a morally upright underdog.

“The Congress were authorized by every state on the continent to publish it to all the world, and in so doing are not to be considered as the inventors, but only as the heralds that proclaimed it, or the office from which the sense of the people received a legal form; and it was as much as any or all their heads were worth, to have treated with you on the subject of submission under any name whatever. But we know the men in whom we have trusted; can England say the same of her Parliament?”

Paine frequently compares the newfound American model of democracy with Britain’s monarchy and parliament. He highlights the British government’s hierarchical and inaccessible nature, while idealizing America’s young Congress for his readers in both Britain and America.

“Britain, as a nation, is, in my inmost belief, the greatest and most ungrateful offender against God on the face of the whole earth. Blessed with all the commerce she could wish for, and furnished, by a vast extension of dominion, with the means of civilizing both the eastern and western world, she has made no other use of both than proudly to idolize her own ‘thunder,’ and rip up the bowels of whole countries for what she could get. Like Alexander, she has made war her sport, and inflicted misery for prodigality's sake. The blood of India is not yet repaid, nor the wretchedness of Africa yet requited.”

Using religious reasoning and historical examples, Paine characterizes Britain as an offender against God for its many colonial exploits. He cites British violence in India and Africa to depict Britain as a selfish plunderer who, in spite of having great wealth, continues to pillage the world out of sheer greed. He rejects Britain’s claim that its colonialism is a civilizing force, instead using graphic imagery to show Britain as a kind of monster.

“America, till now, could never be called a free country, because her legislation depended on the will of a man three thousand miles distant, whose interest was in opposition to ours, and who, by a single ‘no,’ could forbid what law he pleased.”

Paine strives to denormalize monarchical power and questions the fairness of the King’s distant, yet very consequential, decision-making power over the American colonies. Paine contrasts true freedom with living in a monarchy, suggesting that royal subjects are never free.

“The Tories have endeavored to insure their property with the enemy, by forfeiting their reputation with us; from which may be justly inferred, that their governing passion is avarice. Make them as much afraid of losing on one side as on the other, and you stagger their Toryism; make them more so, and you reclaim them; for their principle is to worship the power which they are most afraid of.”

Paine claims that the Tories’ main motivator in the war is avarice, or greed, and accuses them of siding with the British only to ensure that they will retain their wealth. Paine dehumanizes the Tories by generalizing about their fears and motivations and depicts them as weak-willed and superficial.

“In the present crisis we ought to know, square by square and house by house, who are in real allegiance with the United Independent States, and who are not. Let but the line be made clear and distinct, and all men will then know what they are to trust to.”

Writing in the early years of the war, Paine claims that all Americans have the right to know who among them supports independence and who is a Tory. This divisive claim encourages colonists to find out which people in their community are Tories and regard them as distrustful.

“We are not moved by the gloomy smile of a worthless king, but by the ardent glow of generous patriotism. We fight not to enslave, but to set a country free, and to make room upon the earth for honest men to live in. In such a case we are sure that we are right; and we leave to you the despairing reflection of being the tool of a miserable tyrant.”

Paine implies that General Howe and those who support the British monarchy are fundamentally dishonest and claims that Americans wish to live in freedom from the British monarchy. However, he does not acknowledge that Americans themselves have enslaved Africans in their colonies who will not benefit from independence.

“Never did a nation invite destruction upon itself with the eagerness and the ignorance with which Britain has done.”

Paine uses his persuasive rhetoric to try to convince the British commanders, peers, and royalty that it was not in their best interest to wage war against America, and that a continued conflict could have disastrous consequences for their own nation. He revisits this argument in many essays.

“The treaty we have formed with France is open, noble, and generous. It is true policy, founded on sound philosophy, and neither a surrender or mortgage, as you would scandalously insinuate. I have seen every article, and speak from positive knowledge. In France, we have found an affectionate friend and faithful ally; in Britain, we have found nothing but tyranny, cruelty, and infidelity.”

Paine praises America’s alliance with France and uses the opportunity to contrast France and Britain’s treatment of America. France was a major European superpower in the late 18th century, and Paine is anxious to ensure that his readers understand that America’s alliance with France will not undermine American independence.

“But think not, gentlemen, that our distance secures you, or our invention fails us. We can much easier accomplish such a point than any nation in Europe. We talk the same language, dress in the same habit, and appear with the same manners as yourselves. We can pass from one part of England to another unsuspected; many of us are as well acquainted with the country as you are, and should you impolitically provoke us, you will most assuredly lament the effects of it. Mischiefs of this kind require no army to execute them. The means are obvious, and the opportunities unguardable.”

Paine boldly suggests that Britain is in danger of an American attack on British soil. He attempts to frighten the British by claiming that, if provoked, Americans could easily execute an assault, and that Britain’s geographical distance will no longer keep it safe from the horrors of the war.

“What sort of men or Christians must you suppose the Americans to be, who, after seeing their most humble petitions insultingly rejected; the most grievous laws passed to distress them in every quarter; an undeclared war let loose upon them, and Indians and negroes invited to the slaughter; who, after seeing their kinsmen murdered, their fellow citizens starved to death in prisons, and their houses and property destroyed and burned; who, after the most serious appeals to heaven, the most solemn abjuration by oath of all government connected with you, and the most heart-felt pledges and protestations of faith to each other; and who, after soliciting the friendship, and entering into alliances with other nations, should at last break through all these obligations, civil and divine, by complying with your horrid and infernal proposal.”

Paine uses vivid and disturbing imagery to characterize British proposals as insulting to Americans. He emphasizes colonists’ dignity and pride as Christians and contrasts their “humble petitions” with Britain’s violent actions. Paine appeals to his readers’ racist worldview by claiming that the British are collaborating with “Indians and negroes,” and lists the worst of Britain’s offences to shame Britain and rile his colonist readers. 

“There was a time when Britain disdained to answer, or even hear a petition from America. That time is past and she in her turn is petitioning our acceptance. We now stand on higher ground, and offer her peace; and the time will come when she, perhaps in vain, will ask it from us.”

Writing in 1778, Paine claims that as the war drags on, America is increasingly successful and secure, and he predicts that Britain will ultimately need to negotiate a peace with America. He writes that when Britain eventually surrenders and asks for peace it may be in vain, hinting that America could exact revenge on Britain when it has the upper hand, and so it is in Britain’s interest to accept America’s independence now.

“It has been the crime and folly of England to suppose herself invincible, and that, without acknowledging or perceiving that a full third of her strength was drawn from the country she is now at war with.”

Throughout Paine’s essays he describes England as a haughty and altogether out-of-touch former superpower whose best years are over. He often switches from accusing Britain of malice or “crime,” to mocking them for their strategic mistakes, or “folly.”

“In whatever light the war with America is considered upon commercial principles, it is evidently the interest of the people of England not to support it; and why it has been supported so long, against the clearest demonstrations of truth and national advantage, is, to me, and must be to all the reasonable world, a matter of astonishment.”

Paine uses reason and “commercial principles” to question the war’s popularity in England. He undermines the war as harmful to both individual English taxpayers, and Britain as a whole. By referring to the “astonishment” of the “reasonable world,” he implies that the English citizens being unreasonable in their continued support of their military.

“There was not a country in the world so capable of bearing the expense of a war as America; not only because she was not in debt when she began, but because the country is young and capable of infinite improvement and has an almost boundless tract of new lands in store; whereas England has got to her extent of age and growth, and has not unoccupied land or property in reserve. The one is like a young heir coming to a large improvable estate; the other like an old man whose chances are over, and his estate mortgaged for half its worth.”

Writing to the people of England, Paine seeks to change their perception of America as an undeveloped, fledgling set of colonies and instead boasts that America is in fact more capable than Britain of overcoming the financial challenges of the war. He brags of America’s vast resources to persuade English readers that their colonial superpower nation is not as wealthy or invincible as they may think.

“You were strangers to the distressing scene of a family in flight, and to the thousand restless cares and tender sorrows that incessantly arose. To see women and children wandering in the severity of winter, with the broken remains of a well furnished house, and seeking shelter in every crib and hut, were matters that you had no conception of. You knew not what it was to stand by and see your goods chopped for fuel, and your beds ripped to pieces to make packages for plunder. The misery of others, like a tempestuous night, added to the pleasures of your own security.”

In his second address to the English people, Paine reminds them of the human cost of the war and humanizes American civilians by describing their suffering. His tone shifts from gentle persuasion to accusations, prompting English readers to question the morality of the British war effort that relies on their taxes.

“The union of America is the foundation-stone of her independence; the rock on which it is built; and is something so sacred in her constitution, that we ought to watch every word we speak, and every thought we think, that we injure it not, even by mistake.”

Paine’s praise for the states’ union comes with a warning. His cautionary words to Americans reveal that he believes the union is fragile and must be constantly and explicitly supported by all Americans in order to survive.

“To destroy the last security of captivity, and to take the unarmed, the unresisting prisoner to private and sportive execution, is carrying barbarity too high for silence. The evil must be put an end to; and the choice of persons rests with you.”

Paine condemns the British military for not delivering the British officer who murdered an American captive. In wars between European powers, it was customary to keep captives alive, albeit in harsh conditions, and Paine accuses the British of barbarity for reneging on this custom.

“Alas! are those people who call themselves Englishmen, of so little internal consequence, that when America is gone, or shuts her eyes upon them, their sun is set, they can shine no more, but grope about in obscurity, and contract into insignificant animals? Was America, then, the giant of the empire, and England only her dwarf in waiting!”

Addressing the Earl of Shelburne, Paine mocks Britain for relying on America as a pillar of the British empire and for their stubbornness in relinquishing America to independence from their government. He ridicules the Earl’s argument that losing America would be ruinous to Britain.

“The British army in America care not how long the war lasts. They enjoy an easy and indolent life. They fatten on the folly of one country and the spoils of another; and, between their plunder and their prey, may go home rich. But the case is very different with the laboring farmer, the working tradesman, and the necessitous poor in England, the sweat of whose brow goes day after day to feed, in prodigality and sloth, the army that is robbing both them and us. Removed from the eye of that country that supports them, and distant from the government that employs them, they cut and carve for themselves, and there is none to call them to account.”

Paine takes care to not demonize the common people of England along with their military, monarchy, and parliament. He recognizes that the working people did not elect their government or choose to engage in war with America. Instead, he argues that they are also victimized by the conflict as they are forced to pay high taxes to fund the war. Born an Englishman, Paine uses his natural empathy for the working class and acute understanding of Britain’s class system to strategically align himself with England’s working poor and more effectively castigate the British army.

“But that which must more forcibly strike a thoughtful, penetrating mind, and which includes and renders easy all inferior concerns, is the UNION OF THE STATES. On this our great national character depends. It is this which must give us importance abroad and security at home.”

One of Paine’s major concerns was ensuring that the states’ union persevered throughout the war and into independence. He persuades his readers that America’s reputation and relations with other countries, and therefore their success as a trading nation, hinges on their ability to cooperate and present a united front to the world. He also reminds his American readers that if the states cannot rely on each other militarily, all of them will be vulnerable.

“It was the cause of America that made me an author. The force with which it struck my mind and the dangerous condition the country appeared to me in, by courting an impossible and an unnatural reconciliation with those who were determined to reduce her, instead of striking out into the only line that could cement and save her, A DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, made it impossible for me, feeling as I did, to be silent: and if, in the course of more than seven years, I have rendered her any service, I have likewise added something to the reputation of literature, by freely and disinterestedly employing it in the great cause of mankind, and showing that there may be genius without prostitution.”

Paine describes the enormous passion for independence he felt as a newcomer to America in the midst of the American revolution. He also reminds his readers that he was never paid to write any of his pamphlets but did so to contribute to the war effort, which he hopes proves that writers can produce great work without being motivated by payment.