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Charles FishmanA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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In Delhi, India, a group of people gather on a boulevard. The people have empty containers, and hoses. A water truck brings water to the slum. Residents siphon water into containers. The truck brings 10,000 liters (2,500 gallons) of water daily from the local water utility.
An average American family consumes several times more water than the container-filling Indians consume. Further, the Indian water gets polluted by the hoses that people insert. The water utility runs trucks to thousands of slums. Fishman calls the siphoning “water slavery.”
Vikram Soni, a scientist and environmentalist, resides in a three-story house near the slum, and by some Indian embassies. Water only arrives in the pipes once or twice per week, for a few hours, despite illegal pumping. Some residents pump water into storage tanks to increase the amount. Soni also gets water from the delivery trucks, whose drivers he tips.
India has modernize rapidly, building transportation and education institutions, but water resources remain scarce. In most cities, water only arrives a few hours per day: “Just one of the thirty-five largest cities in India has twenty-four-hour-a-day water service” (222).
Approximately 45% of Indians, around 540 million people, do not have safe water to drink. Soni says that water shortages prevent Indians from developing socially and economically. Further, Indians often die from polluted water.
The Energy and Resource Institute (TERI) reports that water may be the largest problem in the country. Diarrhea from tainted water costs the country 900 billion (US$20 billion) per year—2% of its economy. Farmers in India waste half of the water in the country.
Ashok Jaitly, director of the Water Resources Division at TERI, says that money and technology do not cause the problem; rather, it’s mismanagement. Under the British Empire, most large Indian cities had 24-hour water service. Since independence, water service has eroded: “The result is that water in India is not invisible the way it is in much of the developed world” (224).
Poor Indians gather water from public trucks, taps, wells, and nearby villages. Girls often do not go to school so that they can gather water. Richer Indians have water 24 hours per day, but only by pumping and storing it themselves.
A hotel called the “Grand,” near a slum, features fountains, a waterfall, and a pool. Birds drink the pool water. Fishman notes the discrepancy of local residents having less water than birds.
In the 2000s NASA discovered water on the moon. The equipment that enabled this discovery was launched on an Indian spacecraft. The Indian scientists did not have running water in their houses. Large Indian cities only receive a few hours of water over days. An English water utility outsources to Indians who do not have water service.
In India, the Supreme Court requested the government to provide drinking water. Ashok Jaitly, from TERI, expects providing drinking water to all of India to take many years.
In regard to economic development, some of India resembles the United States. Industrial and commercial buildings look the same. However, Indians retain different traditions, such as driving over highway lane dividers. Smells of food, agriculture, and waste abound. Indians consider some rivers, such as the Ganges, holy. These rivers are often highly polluted.
Praveen Aggrawal, a regional general manager for Coca-Cola, says that the company wants a different water culture. People have criticized Coke for its consumption of water in India, where the substance is respected. Aggrawal says that Indians consider their houses more important than outside, so they pollute rivers despite respecting water. Jaitly argues that water issues depend on cultural views.
In India, farmers consume 80% of the country’s water. Because water does not cost much, farmers consume as much as they can; as a result, 70% of water for farms is wasted.
Indian cities continue to grow while falling behind in regard to water. Indian villages still depend on traditional water gathering. Technological and cultural hurdles prevent wider water service.
Other developing countries have installed 24-hour water, seven days of the week. India, however, does not view this amount of water service as achievable, and Indians remain skeptical of their highly bureaucratic country supplying such water service.
The British water system provided cheap water to India when India was still under British rule. Afterward, the system decayed, and there is not enough income to cover costs. Cities close valves to most customers at one time. During the day, different parts of a city receive water.
The pipes leak too much water, and the pumps do not have enough pressure to supply 24-hour water to entire cities. Houses cannot have their own pumps and storage tanks on a 24-hour system. Some Indian cities have tested 24-hour water and found that people consumed less than when they had access to only a few hours of water per day.
Fishman argues that India mismanages its water because of the invisibility of the resource. This makes the problem comparable to water issues elsewhere. Lack of planning leads to larger costs later. The United States spent $255 billion on water maintenance from 2009 to 2014. V. S. Chary, an Indian water administrator, wants the country to have 24-hour water.
In Defense Colony, a residential part of Delhi, people have American shops. However, the area only receives an hour of dirty water per day. Houses have reverse osmosis cleaners. People also have bottled water, for when the electricity fails.
Water supply and sewage pipes in India and elsewhere run together. Unmaintained sewer pipes can leak into supply pipes. In India, where house pumps suck water, when the supply pressure goes off, such contamination becomes more common. Indians sometimes get sick and die from water contamination. Water problems make Indians aware of the water they consume.
In Jargali, a rural village near Delhi, female villagers walk to a neighboring village for water: “In India, 32 million households get their water from ‘away’—17 percent of the country” (240). This amounts to 170 million people.
Fishman goes on a water walk. Carrying large buckets, he and villagers walk to a well. They fill their buckets. With five gallons per person, the difficult walk brings less water than the recommended 13 gallons per day for people to have for their activities.
Mehmood Khan grew up in the nearby village of Nai Nangla. These areas had more water service decades prior. Khan left for school, then worked at Unilever. Returning to Nai Nangla, he wanted to improve the village. About 550 other villages in the area also had problems with schools, jobs, and agriculture. Khan considered water the main problem. Without water, people leave school, get sick, and go hungry.
Khan built a charitable foundation in Nai Nangla. Locals gained computer and sewing experience, and get jobs. A milk buying station increased prices. Khan started an orchard and a dairy farm. A local, Ronak, gets enlisted to find new water. Khan visits the local school. Five pit toilets do not function. Khan offers to pay to fix the toilets, as long as the school maintains them.
Hanumantha Rao, a general manager at the Hyderabad water utility, wanted to bring 24-hour water to the technology-oriented city. Rao fixed one part of the city in 2006 as a test. After initial costs, customers consumed less water. After the test, the area reverted to five hours of water per day.
Pentair, a large American water infrastructure company, produces reverse osmosis cleaners. It provides cleaners at cost to Indian villages. At one location, the purifier disappeared.
Jyoti Sharma left corporate management for her family. She wants to fix water problems in small parts. Sharma started the Forum for Organised Resource Conservation and Enhancement (FORCE). One initiative harvests rainwater. Delhi now requires new buildings to collect rainwater.
Residents of some slums improve their water supplies. Sharma mentions a slum building its own piping for shacks. Even richer areas can be unrecognized, not having city services. Residents get water from wells, or from trucks. FORCE gets dry wells to store rainwater. One richer area builds private piping like the slum.
The nearby Yamuna River supplies water to Delhi. Waste water gets flushed back into the river. People wash clothes and have cleansing ceremonies in the filthy river. The river has millions of times more bacteria than safety standards.
India has shifted fast before. In 1998, the country required tens of thousands of public transportation vehicles to stop burning gas. Richer Indians can get 24-hour water for themselves, preventing the country from investing in the public water system. Fishman argues that India’s water problems are social problems of people misunderstanding and mismanaging water.
Navi Mumbai is a rich Indian city that went back to 24-hour water. A recent, planned city, it has 1.2 million people. After water shortages from the state, the city acquired its own water supply. The shift to 24-hour water was six years in the making and doubled water costs. Residents consume now consume 20% less water. The city outsources water maintenance and other utilities.
V. S. Chary says that over 40 Indian cities plan to have 24-hour water. The increased water service improves conditions for the poor. Residents now clean more and wait for water less.
The 109 Starwood hotels in North America provide free bottles of water. Each bottle has a tag saying “It’s water. Of course it’s free.” Most hotels charge for bottled water, but people often think water should be free.
In developed countries, water does not cost much. Most of the cost is for pumping and maintenance, not the water itself. Fishman argues that the low cost of water leads to bad management and overconsumption.
In an American city, 1,000 gallons of water cost a few dollars. For a farm, 1,000 gallons of water costs only a few pennies. A farm in the Imperial Valley consumes 60 times more water per acre than a Las Vegas casino. The water in Las Vegas gets 24 times as much revenue per gallon.
In a century of safe and abundant water, cost has not posed an issue. The economist Adam Smith noted that water contrasts with diamonds: the former has almost no economic use but large personal value, while the latter has almost no personal use but large economic use.
Bob Eckelbarger bought the water utility in his Pennsylvania town. At 24 years old in 1962, he worked for the utility, and bought it to maintain the antiquated system. Thirty-six years later, he sold the utility.
When Eckelbarger raised prices, consumers complained. Consumers elsewhere also complain when prices rise. However, the low price of cheap water often does not cover maintenance, making water less available: “Free water has a cost, and not a trivial cost” (275).
People often have a sense that water should be free so that anyone can have water. Fishman argues that markets should price water. More expensive water would lead people to consume less. Most of the cost of water is transportation.
Mike Young, an Australian water economist and environmentalist, has unmetered water. The largest apartment complex in New York City also has unmetered water. Most residents of London have unmetered water.
The past century of abundant water was produced by engineering: “That’s where economics comes in. Economics is a way of managing scarcity, and market economics—pricing—is a way of letting the people who want something that’s scarce participate in deciding who gets it” (279).
In areas of water scarcity, such as the Murray River area, during the drought, market pricing can efficiently allocate water. Fishman argues that water differs from other resources because humans depend on water.
Young draws a water system, showing how some water goes to the environment. After that, he draws basic human sustenance. Consumers can still argue over what counts as important. The rest of the water gets divided into different security types, with cost according to what people pay. In years of shortage, lower security consumers get less water.
Young compares water management to running a corporation. Different investments entitle people to their stakes. Prices shift depending on the market. However, water is difficult to transport, so a water market has to have local traders, as in the Murray River.
In 2009, the Cleveland Cavaliers basketball team removed the water fountains from their stadium, because of the fountains spreading disease. Critics accused the team of trying to sell more bottled water.
Because water has not cost much, it has not had an economics. Fishman argues that cheap water is running out, making economics relevant. Also, water pipes require maintenance.
If water becomes scarce, different types of water can have their own prices and consumption. People paying more for water have awareness of it. Larger revenue can sustain the infrastructure. Free water that requires walking and has contaminants has a worse overall cost than expensive water.
Fishman argues that price is the most important area to fix, in regard to water. Pricing water fixes scarcity, waste, misuse, and other problems. Thinking about water as a resource leads people to consume it differently. Young says that the coming decades can resolve water issues in both developed and developing countries.
In the Detroit airport, a decorative fountain by WET Design attracts viewers. Mark Fuller and WET built the Bellagio fountain, and a larger fountain in Dubai. Engineering water into uncommon formats produces popular water sculptures.
In 2009, Senator Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania spoke at a college. Specter said that he prefers drinking bottled water. Fishman argues that tap water is safer, so Specter should not prefer bottled water.
Apple’s iPhone App Store has an application to track water consumption. Fishman argues that the body balances its own water consumption, making the app absurd: “The senator and the iPhone app both trade on our water illiteracy” (299).
Some companies and politicians warn of a water crisis: “We do have a crisis of water availability around the world—virtually every country has water scarcity problems, every country has water infrastructure gaps” (300).
Fishman argues for several crises, with a climate crisis as the most important. Unlike global climate issues, he writes that water is a local or regional issue, calling for local or regional responses. Technology can clean water, and people have to use that technology for their own water. The water itself remains abundant.
Developed countries waste 20% or more of their water. Agriculture wastes more water than cities do. American farmers produce more crops with less water than in previous decades.
Fishman argues that micropollutants should spur more cleanliness, as bacteria did for the previous century. Also, people should only drink tap water, and use dirtier water for their lawns. People can change customs. Measuring leads to awareness, which can cause people to change customs. Fishman believes that water reporting should be mandatory for companies.
In further years, water may become scarce, shifting how people use and think about the substance: “That’s why this book has tried to be about just one theme: our relationship to water” (307). Fishman adds that “[t]he biggest water problems of all are water illiteracy and water mythology” (308).
At MGM Resorts, the hotel was considering adding dual-flush toilets as well as their custom showerheads. They instead added low-flow toilets, to avoid complaints.
In a canyon in the Pocono Mountains, a creek runs over waterfalls. Fishman argues that people leave water running while brushing their teeth because it’s pleasant. Because people like water, they can relate to it.
We now understand water more than previous generations did. Water itself remains the same. People can relate to water differently, managing it better.
India, a large developing country, has poor water service. Most of the major cities have water roughly an hour every two days. Previously, under British rule, Indian cities had 24-hour water. Mismanagement has reduced water service, despite India’s developing economy.
Some Indian cities now plan to bring back 24-hour water. Residents often consume less water after such a shift. When water is more expensive, and when they know when water is available, then residents do not consume as much as they can.
As in prior chapters, Fishman asserts that proper planning can prevent water shortages. India has a bureaucratic system that limits planning for providing water. Even rich areas have only an hour of water per day. However, wealthier residents can afford private pumps and storage, so richer Indians have 24-hour water even when the cities do not provide it. This contributes to the disparity in water access between the urban and the rural, the rich and the poor, the same issue that afflicts Australia, even though it is more developed. In examining how different populations experience the same challenges, Fishman emphasizes that the water scarcity problem is universal and that wide-scale improvements are necessary to affect the most change.
Water cleanliness also represents a large problem in India. Due in part to the intermittent water service, sewage contaminates the water supply. Indians often get sick and die from contaminated water, which costs the Indian economy. Traditional Indian culture respects water, but not in such a way as to maintain its safety.
Water problems produce other problems, in India and elsewhere. Unclean water leads to environmental contamination and human sickness. Lack of water leads to the same; it also limits education and job availability. Even in areas of heavy rainfall, failure to manage drinking water produces social problems.
In these final chapters Fishman reasserts one of his key arguments: Water’s low cost and general abundance in developed countries have made it invisible. People do not pay much for water or commonly think about it. As a result, they don’t consider where it comes from or how much of it they consume. But Fishman argues that water scarcity is becoming more common, and in water scarcity events like Australia’s Big Dry, equitable allocation of water is essential.
Fishman examines solutions for managing the distribution of water. Market pricing is one system for allocating resources. Many people criticize market pricing for water because people depend on it, unlike with other resources. However, a system that provides cheap water for basic consumption but charges more for additional water can ensure both abundance and allocation during scarcity.
Such water economics have not been an issue because of the engineering of delivery systems. If water becomes scarce, then economic solutions like pricing can provide water where it’s most needed. Also, when consumers pay more for water, utilities have more funds to address larger problems like contamination, lack of maintenance, and wait times. This ties into another of Fishman’s key points: Inadequate pricing causes people to take water for granted and, in this way, contributes to water scarcity.
By Charles Fishman