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89 pages 2 hours read

Frances Goodrich, Albert Hackett

The Diary of Anne Frank: A Play

Fiction | Play | Adult | Published in 1955

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Background

Literary Context: Who was the Real Anne Frank?

On July 14, 1942, Anne Frank, a young Jewish girl in Amsterdam, received a diary for her 13th birthday. Less than a month later, Anne and her family would go into hiding, along with the Von Pels family and a dentist named Fritz Pfeffer, in a Secret Annex in the building that housed her father’s business. The red plaid diary filled quickly, and after five months in hiding, Anne started writing in notebooks and on loose pages. She documented her experiences in epistolary entries addressed to “Kitty,” her name for the diary that became her friend and confidante. She also wrote stories and the start of a novel. In March 1944, after the Dutch Minister of Education announced on the radio that they would be seeking to publish personal documents and accounts of the war, Anne immediately started revising her diary into a book entitled Het Achterhuis, or The Secret Annex. After the families were arrested, Miep Gies, the woman who was helping to hide them, found Anne’s diaries and papers, and she hid them in her desk without reading them, hoping to have the chance to give them back to Anne. The contents of the diary were dangerous, and if Miep had read them, she would have needed to destroy them to protect everyone involved. When Otto Frank returned after he was freed from Auschwitz, he already knew his wife was dead but was holding out hope for Margot and Anne. Otto finally received a notification that both of his daughters had died at Bergen-Belsen. Immediately, Miep got up and went to her desk to retrieve Anne’s diaries and papers. In 1945, she handed them to the distraught father and said, “This is the legacy of your daughter, Anne.”

It took a month before Otto could bring himself to read the diary. When he did, he was stunned, explaining, “The Anne that appeared before me was very different from the daughter I had lost. I had had no idea of the depth of her thoughts and feelings.” Of course, Anne had poured her private self into her diary under the expectation that she would eventually control her own narrative, and undoubtedly anyone would seem unfamiliar to their loved ones if their most private thoughts were revealed. Publishing the diary wasn’t simply a matter of turning handwriting into text, even with Anne’s 324 pages of unfinished revision for future publication. Otto undertook the task of editing and creating a cohesive book from the two versions. Otto had a highly personal stake in not only his daughter’s legacy but also in reinforcing the image of the Anne he knew and understood. In the first version, he omitted much of Anne’s detailed description of her changing body and burgeoning sexuality, which were not only personal but also would have certainly made the work difficult to publish. He also cut some of Anne’s particularly scathing entries about her mother, an adolescent hostility that even Anne had been editing out, having progressed past that phase into a more mature and loving relationship with her. Otto was also surprised at the depth of Anne’s expressions of faith in God and Judaism, and he censored some of those passages as well, asserting that Anne was, like him, not particularly religious. Otto also decided to anonymize the van Pels family and Pfeffer as well as those who helped them hide.

In translation, Anne’s words became even more obscured. With the German translation, Otto supported the softening of Anne’s expressions of anti-German sentiment, stating that Anne did not bear ill will toward Germany as a whole. These ideas reflected an attitude toward the Holocaust characterized by a desire to move forward and focus on the future. Anne became homogenized and relatable to the masses, and more significantly, she was forgiving. The most famous line of the diary, highlighted in both versions of the play, became: “I still believe, in spite of everything, that people are really good at heart” (65). As scholar and psychologist Bruno Bettelheim countered, “If all men are good at heart, there never really was an Auschwitz; nor is there any possibility that it may recur.” This is not a criticism of young Anne, whose hope and optimism for the future were natural for a child who believed she would survive the war. Rather, it criticizes the cherry-picking of these words in a complex diary that also includes much darker views of humanity and the use of her optimism as a shining example of the human capacity for forgiveness when she wrote this statement before she experienced the unfathomable inhumanity of the concentration camp. The first edition, which bore Anne’s title, The Secret Annex, was published in 1947, and subsequent editions incorporated more of Anne’s passages about the changes of puberty. A critical edition, released in 1986, includes Anne’s original writing, her revised version, and Otto’s edited version side by side. In 1995, an edition was released that was meant to be unabridged, containing all the omitted passages, but in 1998, five more pages were found, having been entrusted to a friend by Otto, and in 2018 researchers restored two new pages, which had been obscured by Anne and contained several dirty jokes that she had heard from the adults around her.

Literary Context: Postmodernism and Representing the Holocaust

The Holocaust was unfathomable. Genocide, mass murder, and dehumanization were not new concepts, and the world had experienced war on a massive, multi-national scope only two decades prior. What made the Holocaust an atrocity that changed human consciousness was the sheer magnitude of systematic dehumanization and the innovation and efficiency with which it was carried out. Persecution began with and focused on Jews, eventually expanding to include the disabled, LGBTQ, Romani, and other people deemed asocial or anti-German. Six million Jews were murdered during the Holocaust along with millions of others. It wasn’t enough for victims to die. They had to endure prolonged senseless and brutal torture. As survivor Elie Wiesel said, “At Auschwitz, not only man died, but also the idea of man.” The Nazis, who not only took pleasure in killing but made twisted games of torture and murder, were not brain-sick deviants but average people who bought into indoctrinated hate. Wiesel was the first to apply the word “holocaust” in this context, which refers to a burnt sacrificial offering, as at an altar in an ancient Jewish temple. However, many Jews were reluctant to associate the murders of innocent people with martyrdom or ascribing meaning or purpose to their deaths, which brought about the alternate term, “Shoah,” a Hebrew word meaning “catastrophe” or “destruction.” This crisis of language reflects a much larger crisis of human identity, and the fragmentation of truth and order represented in the philosophy and art of the postmodern movement. In other words, the Holocaust was so incomprehensively horrendous that it shifted human thought on a global level into the postmodern unconscious.

In theatre and performance artists questioned how to express the inexpressible. How do you stage the Holocaust? For some post-modern philosophers, the answer was simple: You don’t. For instance, theorist Theodor Adorno stated in 1949, “To write poetry after Auschwitz is barbaric.” These theorists also worried about the possible commodification of the Holocaust in entertainment or the trivialization of the atrocity as dramatic conflict. Others argued that only the Nazis stood to benefit from the silencing of those they had tried to erase and that it was much more important to bear witness and remember the victims of atrocity, and art was a way to do this. In particular, theatre offered a unique venue for bearing witness through the creation of communal live experiences. Still, it seemed impossible to convey the enormity of inhumanity that occurred and trauma that extended far beyond lost lives. The trauma of the concentration camps was so great that it rendered many inmates catatonic, victims whose bodies continued to live but seemed empty, as if the person gave up and vacated. This phenomenon was common enough that other internees had a name for them: Muselmann.

Throughout the decades after the Holocaust, playwrights have experimented with form, such as Nelly Sachs’s extended poem Eli: A Mystery Play of the Sufferings of Israel (1951); The Deputy, a controversial 1963 docudrama by Rolf Hochhuth; Arthur Miller’s realist drama, Incident at Vichy (1964); the absurdist The Cannibals (1974) by George Tabori, whose father died at Auschwitz; and even a black comedy, Peter Barnes’s uneasy play Laughter! (1978).

The Diary of Anne Frank (1955) is easily the most popular and well-known Holocaust play ever written, particularly in the United States. The diary itself, published in the United States in 1952, was the first significant piece of Holocaust literature to be released in the States. Anne’s diary wasn’t a bestseller in Europe when it was first printed. After a slow start in the United States, the first runs of the book sold out, and before long it had been read by millions. However, it was the 1955 play—which ran for two years on Broadway, toured the United States, and opened in countries all over Europe—that ended up selling copies of the diary worldwide. As a sentimental melodrama, the play has been criticized for Americanizing Anne Frank, and by emphasizing her relatability universalizing the Holocaust. On the other hand, it helped to bring Anne and her diary into a lasting national consciousness. After Anne Frank, Holocaust drama tended to either depart radically from realism, sometimes even through comedy and satire, or it began to become a historical lens through which to view more recent atrocities and injustices. Additionally, there was the question of whether hope has a place in Holocaust art, particularly when remembering while looking to the future. In this vein has come works that highlight heroes of the Holocaust, or average people who risked their lives to save others. Critics of these plays are wary of hope that might outshine and outweigh the reality of genocide, defeating the purpose of these representations of the Holocaust entirely. Holocaust drama has been held against an unyielding measure of proper representation, which makes it nearly impossible to represent the Holocaust “correctly” but is perhaps a necessary burden to keep artists striving toward an unsettled ideal.

Socio-Historical Context: Versions of the Play

Contemporary theatregoers and literature enthusiasts might be surprised to learn that a Daily News review of Goodrich and Hackett’s The Diary of Anne Frank, which opened on Broadway in 1955, referred to the work as “not in any important sense a Jewish play.” The treatment of Anne Frank’s diary and the subsequent construction of her in the popular imagination through performance has long been the chagrin of Holocaust and theatre scholars, not because the diary isn’t an incredible document by an extraordinary young woman—it is—but because, as a dramatization of perhaps the most famous document of the Holocaust in circulation, The Diary of Anne Frank largely avoids the Holocaust itself. Before Hackett and Goodrich were brought in to write the play, Jewish journalist Meyer Levin vied for the right to adapt it himself for stage and film. As a war correspondent, Levin had gone into multiple concentration camps, including Bergen-Belsen where Anne and Margot died, and interviewed those who had suffered there. He saw Anne’s diary as an authentic “voice from the mass grave” that could help Americans to relate and grasp the magnitude of the Holocaust. Levin began a lengthy correspondence with Otto Frank, hoping to help him publish an American translation and gain the right to adapt the diary into a play for American audiences. Otto agreed, and Levin acted as an agent to navigate the American publishing market. After the diary was published in the United States, Levin’s glowing book review in the New York Times essentially single-handedly propelled the book into bestseller status. However, Doubleday decided to bypass Levin and hand control of the theatrical adaptation to producers, who enlisted playwright Lillian Hellman’s assistance to choose a suitable writer. Levin still fought, writing a radio play and sending it to Otto Frank, but the producers rejected it. Levin believed it was turned down for being too focused on the Jewishness of the story. However, one of the stipulations of a resulting lawsuit was that Levin’s play couldn’t be published or performed, so no definitive version is available.

To adapt Anne’s story into a play, Hellman picked Frances Hackett and Albert Goodrich, a successful Hollywood husband-and-wife screenwriting team known primarily for their comedies and musicals. They also weren’t Jewish, and therefore were pushed by producers to write a play that was designed to have more universal appeal. For instance, the Hanukah celebration scene, initially written with the advice of a rabbi to include Hebrew prayers, had to be changed to avoid alienating Broadway audiences. It was to be a lighthearted coming-of-age tragicomedy, in which Jewishness and the Holocaust were simply dramatic circumstances to overcome. For instance, just before the Nazis arrive (in the form of offstage sounds), Goodrich and Hackett’s Anne tells Peter, “We’re not the only people that’ve had to suffer. There’ve always been people that’ve had to… sometimes one race… sometimes another” (95). Anne’s death, devoid of the details of the conditions in which she died, became a romanticized tragedy of ethnically ambiguous lost potential. The play was a huge success, praised by critics for its surprising humor and optimism. With the Cold War rising since World War II, Anne’s story was more useful on Broadway stages if she was generalized as a victim of fascism rather than a victim of the Nazis, who targeted her specifically for being Jewish. History scholar Peter Novick wrote that Anne Frank and her family “became the representations of the Holocaust that nearly everyone who writes on the subject loves to hate.” This is not because Anne doesn’t deserve the posthumous attention and praise, but in the postwar near-decade until Anne’s diary was published, Holocaust awareness in the United States was minimal. There was no Holocaust Museum, and Elie Wiesel would not publish his shocking memoir about surviving the camps at Auschwitz and Birkenau until 1960. Anne’s diary and her depiction on stage and film became synonymous with Holocaust victimhood in the American national imaginary.

For the 1997 revival, playwright Wendy Kesselman was only contracted at first to make minor revisions and update the text, but in the 40 years since the original production, there was not only a far wider array of publicly available research and evidence of the Holocaust, but there were also pages and passages of Anne’s diary that had been released for the first time in 1995. The first play, which took eight drafts before Otto Frank approved it, was based on the diary that Otto edited. He omitted passages about Anne’s faith, her changing body, and her conflict with her mother, shaping Anne’s representation into his vision of the daughter he remembered. Kesselman attempts to give the play back to Anne, reinserting some of the most striking removed entries, such as Anne’s feelings about her period and her revelation that she may have been attracted to girls. The new adaptation works to emphasize the presence of the Holocaust outside and reaffirm the characters’ Jewishness more clearly. At the end of the play, the Nazis are not just noise outside. They come onstage and audiences witness the horror of the arrest. Another major difference between the 1955 version and the 1997 revision is that the original is a memory play. It begins with Miep giving Otto the diary, and Otto relives his time in the Annex during the war by reading it. Therefore, it becomes Otto’s play as the rest of the action is only a memory. The 1997 version starts as Anne and her family arrive at the Annex for the first time. The play is Anne’s narrative until her voice is cut off and Otto must take over. Instead of focusing the final lines on Anne’s famous quote about the intrinsic goodness of people, Otto describes the inhumanity of her last days. The play was still criticized for upholding the bubbly, optimistic, relentlessly positive image of Anne that continues to run deep in America’s imagination, but Anne was optimistic. While writing, she was a child who suffered and experienced terror but largely believed she would survive. Even while hiding from the Nazis, Anne couldn’t have fully understood how it would feel to be utterly broken and hopeless, having watched her sister die horribly and to give up on living. Anne’s hope is poignant because she died, but it is also terrible in hindsight, knowing how deeply it was shattered.

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