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TacitusA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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While Mucianus was on route to Italy, Antonius Primus, one of the local commanders of the Danubian legions, was convincing his colleagues to attack Italy themselves. Primus argued that an immediate offensive against the Vitellians would take the maximum advantage of their present weakness.
Primus began his invasion of Italy by securing Aquileia, the neighboring towns, and blocking off the route up from Ravenna (which, by this time, had revolted, though this was not yet known). Flavian forces then fought and won a small skirmish against local Vitellians. Vespasian ordered the invasion to stop at Aquileia, planning to starve Italy into submission through cutting off the grain supply from Egypt. Mucianus repeated these orders, apparently because he wanted to lead the invasion and gain glory. However, Primus ignored them and moved to Verona.
Caecina also moved toward Verona, where he fought an inconclusive skirmish. Tacitus says that if Caecina was still loyal to Vitellius, he could have defeated the smaller Flavian vanguard and potentially driven them out of Italy altogether, but he chose to delay further combat so that he could defect. In the Flavian camp, riots broke out as soldiers suspected those who were conspiring to betray them. The suspects were forced to leave the camp in fear for their lives. With them gone, Primus took full control of the Flavian army, which, Tacitus says, has led some to believe that he engineered the riots.
The Vitellian army faced worse morale issues. Bassus had arrived at Ravenna and convinced the Adriatic fleet to join the Flavian cause, which prompted Caecina to summon the army leaders and convince them to defect. However, the army rejected this change, feeling that it was dishonorable to surrender without fighting. Caecina was arrested, and the generals Fabius Fabullus and Cassius Longus replaced him.
When Primus heard about the divisions in the Vitellian camp, he decided that it was important to take advantage of their internal conflict and the fact that Valens had not yet arrived by attacking immediately. Tacitus commends this decision, saying that it was central to the Flavian victory. Primus marched to Bedriacum and ordered the local area to be ravaged. The Vitellian vanguard was routed by the Flavians themselves, who pushed back when the main Vitellian army arrived. Primus formed up the dispersed units of his army and fought the Vitellians, forcing them to retreat to their camp. Strong Vitellian reinforcements then arrived, and they attacked that evening, leading to a confused night battle that continued until sunrise. At this point, the Flavian soldiers from Syria who had adopted the local custom of saluting the sun as it rose did so. When the Vitellians saw this, they believed that the Flavians were saluting a reinforcing army. This caused the Vitellians to panic and flee.
Tacitus records one particularly notable instant during the rout in which a son unknowingly killed his father. The soldiers began to use this as an example of the evils of civil war, but it did not stop them from attacking fellow Romans. When the Flavians reached Cremona, they stormed first the legionary camp and then the city itself, slaughtering the inhabitants of both. They continued to sack Cremona for four days, and many of Cremona’s citizens were enslaved before Primus outlawed this. In response, the soldiers executed many of those they had enslaved. The Flavians then continued their march south.
Vitellius hid his worries about the civil war by continuing to live luxuriously and hiding from the public eye. He made himself unpopular in Rome through ruling tyrannically, apparently committing offenses such as poisoning a man who held a banquet while he was ill.
Valens’s army marched north to confront the Flavians, but this was slow, encumbered by the large amount of sex workers and entertainers that followed it. Tacitus records that rumors of Valens’s immorality spread even on this march. When he heard about the defeat at Bedriacum, he decided on sailing to Gaul to raise a new army, but by the time he arrived, most were too afraid to side with Vitellius. Valens was soon captured. At the same time, rebellions were breaking out across the empire, with a rebellion in Germany (the Batavian revolt) becoming very serious.
When Vespasian heard about the victory, he hurried to the Egyptian city of Alexandria, where he hoped to stop any further resistance by stopping Rome’s grain imports.
Tacitus states that “in a convulsion felt around the world, imperial power changed hands” (153). Following Primus’s victory, his behavior deteriorated sharply as his greed and pride became revealed. As he moved through Italy, he allowed his soldiers too much freedom, potentially in the hopes that they would be loyal enough to support him as the new emperor. Tacitus claims that there was a general deterioration of morals in this era, exemplified by a story he tells of a cavalry soldier who killed his brother in battle and demanded a reward for it. In earlier civil wars, kin killing was a cause for suicide, but now people sought to profit from it. Mucianus urged the generals in Italy to delay their march on Rome, hoping to enter Rome first himself. Primus ignored this and wrote a boastful letter to Vespasian in which he criticized Mucianus and spoke extensively of his own achievements. Mucianus learned of this, and it caused a serious rift between them.
Vitellius tried to keep the news of the defeat quiet, but he was eventually forced to admit what had happened. While he sent generals to organize defenses for the remaining parts of Italy he owned, he did not give up any of his luxuries. Tacitus lays the blame for the Vitellian defeat squarely at Vitellius’s feet. He claims that an effective counterattack might have halted the Flavian advance, but Vitellius was clueless about military service.
Domitian, Vespasian’s younger son, was imprisoned by Vitellius but wasn’t killed in case this prompted Vespasian to take revenge. Meanwhile, at Carsulae, the main body of the remaining Vitellian resistance defected or fled, and Valens was put to death. Primus sent Vitellius a letter, offering him his life if he gave up his position. Vitellius considered the offer seriously and got in contact with Flavius Sabinus, Vespasian’s elder brother. They worked out peace terms, but Vitellius’s followers refused to allow him to accept these. Soon, a skirmish broke out in Rome between Flavian and Vitellian supporters. The Flavians (including Sabinus) were trapped on the Capitoline Hill, which Vitellians assaulted the next morning. In the fighting, a fire broke out, destroying many monuments and temples, which Tacitus describes as the worst disaster of the period. After the fire, the Vitellians stormed the hill and killed Sabinus, while Domitian (who had been among the besieged) hid in the house of a temple caretaker until he could escape.
The Flavian approach to the city was slow, ostensibly because they were meant to wait for Mucianus, but Tacitus raises other theories. Primus may have been secretly negotiating with Vitellius, and the Flavian generals did not see the need for haste since they considered the war won already. When they heard about the death of Sabinus, they marched more quickly to Rome. The people in the city began to rally firmly around Vitellius and were able to defeat a hasty Flavian attack on its walls. Vitellius tried to send more envoys, but with the murder of Sabinus and the destruction of the Capitoline Hill, the Flavians were committed to war. They assaulted the city while its citizens descended into anarchy. As the city was being captured, Vitellius was found while trying to escape. He was beaten to death by a crowd.
Tacitus briefly summarizes Vitellius’s life. He was 57 when he died, owed his standing to his family name rather than personal effort, was popular in the army despite his lack of skills, and showed unchecked generosity. Tacitus says that it was in the public interest that Vitellius was killed, but the people of Rome could not claim credit for this, as they simply sided with whoever was winning.
After the death of Vitellius, Domitian was located and brought out to the Flavian army, where he was acclaimed Caesar.
In Book 3, Tacitus concludes the series of imperial challenges with the triumph of the Flavians. When describing the final stages of the 69 CE civil wars, Tacitus focuses on The Corrupting Influence of Power and The Instability and Societal Upheaval Brought by Successive Crises. Vitellius’s decline into complete laziness and indecision was complete. He did not make an appropriately rapid response to the defeat of his forces in northern Italy, instead waiting “idly and apathetically” within his estates (145). Following this, during the conflict over Rome, he was unable to exert enough authority over even his followers. Like their leader, the weakness of the Vitellian legions is also repeatedly highlighted. Vitellius is presented as the model of a person whose victory eventually ruined them. He did not have the character to sustain their own virtue, or the virtue of others, while in power.
Tacitus shows the same happening with Antonius Primus. Before victory, he is shown to be a talented general who chose the honorable path of direct conflict with the Vitellians instead of the dishonorable starvation of Italy that Vespasian had planned. Once his forces defeated the main body of the Vitellian legions, “his greed, pride and other hidden vices” were revealed (153). Tacitus goes as far as to suggest that Primus’s loyalty to the Flavians wavered. As with the Vitellians, Primus’s lack of scruples led to the corruption of his army; he allowed his soldiers to gain “a taste for license” and lose their military discipline as they moved south (153). Through showing this same trend in the victorious armies of both the Vitellians and the Flavians, Tacitus highlights that the corrupting influence of power was more than simply a character flaw. It was instead a consistent factor in how people behaved.
Tacitus also notes the instability and chaos of the period. The endemic breakdown of military discipline is once again demonstrated through the riots in the Flavian camp and the defections of the Vitellians. Due to the divisions of the civil wars, there was no ideological unity among the Roman people, and so the societal norms became upended; soldiers commanded their generals, abandoned causes when they chose, and enacted violence on anyone. Eventually, this culminated with the disasters of the sack of Cremona, the burning of Capitoline Hill, and the brutal conflict within Rome. In all of these, actions that would be unthinkable in peaceful times were taken. At Cremona, Romans murdered and enslaved their fellow Romans. In the fighting on Capitoline Hill, a temple that “stood firm so long as [Romans] fought to defend [their] country” (169), was burned. Within Rome, a “simultaneous orgy of violence and pleasure” erupted across the city (173). As Tacitus shows, the Roman system was being turned against itself by people purely focused on profit and without any ideological motive, which caused unprecedented ignoble action.
It is worth questioning why Tacitus includes several stories of the Flavian soldier’s violence and destructiveness when he himself gained a career through service to the Flavian dynasty. It would have been possible for him to write a history that framed the actions of Primus in the best possible light, potentially seeking to excuse the violence in Cremona and Rome. Instead, he shines a spotlight on them. Including negative aspects of the Flavian side while generally supporting Vespasian allows Tacitus to frame his writing as neither having “a passion for flattery, or else a hatred” (3). Through this purported impartiality, he can give extra weight to his analysis. Moreover, he does this without directly criticizing either Vespasian or Titus, the Flavian rulers he viewed positively, as they were outside of Italy and thus removed from direct responsibility. The Histories cuts off before it can describe Vespasian’s arrival in Rome, but Tacitus creates the opportunity to show the positive changes that Vespasian brought by highlighting the crimes before he arrived.