52 pages • 1 hour read
Douglas BruntA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
From 1910 to 1912, Diesel consulted with engineering firms in Europe and the US, lecturing to boost diesel engine prospects. In the US, beer magnate Busch struggled to manufacture diesel engines, eventually reorganizing his company into the American Diesel Engine Company (ADE). Diesel paid particular attention to ADE because of his friendship with Busch and his need for support during a lawsuit with MAN. When UK engineering firm, Mirrlees Watson Co. Ltd, showed interest in Diesel's work, Diesel collaborated with their engineer, Charles Day—a partnership that rejuvenated Day's enthusiasm for diesel technology. The Royal Navy faced challenges in applying diesel engines to submarines but remained interested in their benefits. Winston Churchill, now First Lord of the Admiralty, and Fleet Admiral John Fisher supported diesel-powered submarines and warships despite skepticism within the admiralty.
Still, Augsburg remained the central hub of diesel technology. MAN diesel engines were superior to those produced by other countries, and would be until the 1930s.
In 1912, Danish firm Burmeister & Wain created the Selandia, a groundbreaking diesel-powered ship. It could carry 7,000 tons and travel 20,000 miles without refueling, potentially challenging Britain's trade dominance. The ship signified Rudolf Diesel's vision of global trade becoming more accessible and fair. Its launch on February 12, 1912, was highly celebrated, with notable figures like the Danish Crown Prince and Princess attending. The ship's capabilities impressed British and German delegates, including Churchill and the Kaiser. In a lecture, Diesel highlighted the engine's capacity to use alternative fuels, reducing the need for coal. He also mentioned Germany's construction of powerful diesel warships. Diesel's lecture gave ammunition to Churchill's appeal to Parliament and solidified his role in the arms race between Britain and Germany.
Churchill prioritized submarine mastery, publicly acknowledging the Royal Navy’s shift in focus from dreadnoughts to submarines on March 26, 1913. He wrote to the House of Commons explaining that submarines had grown in power and seaworthiness quickly enough to reevaluate how naval strength was determined.
One way to safeguard British security and naval supremacy was by adopting diesel engines. In 1912, Britain’s Consolidated Diesel Engine Company incorporated in Ipswich, setting the stage for the Navy’s adoption of diesel. Churchill secured British access to oil by sending British spy Sidney Reilly to the Middle East to buy the concession rights to Burmah Oil, renaming it the Anglo-Persian Oil Company (APOC).
After the establishment of the Consolidated Diesel Engine Company, 44-year-old Diesel traveled to the US, where his fame resulted in a warm welcome from American industrialists and the press. In his lectures, he compared diesel engines to steam engines in battleships. Despite being heavier, diesel engines offered advantages such as compact size, increased defensive capabilities, improved arms capability, extended range, reduced fuel consumption, and smaller crew requirements. Consequently, Diesel argued that he had revolutionized naval warfare. During his tour, Diesel also emphasized the adaptability of his engine to alternative fuels, potentially breaking oil and fuel monopolies and providing stability to nations lacking natural fuel supplies. He predicted the rise of pollution-conscious engine design, envisioned a US network of diesel-powered trains, and stressed the need to seek alternative fuel sources due to the depletion of coal and oil. As Diesel's affinity for the US grew during his travels, he distanced himself from German nationalism, referring to himself as Bavarian. Still, he avoided addressing rumors of his connection with the British Royal Navy to prevent diplomatic complications. The journey culminated in New York City, where Diesel was honored by the American Society of Mechanical Engineers. In his private diary, he recorded encounters with influential figures, including Thomas Edison, with whom he had a strained relationship despite mutual respect for their work.
In 1912, the US Supreme Court broke up John D. Rockefeller's Standard Oil, turning it into 34 geographically separate firms. The separation resulted in Rockefeller’s wealth growing exponentially, but his power over the petroleum market declined. Since Rockefeller’s control rested on the broad adoption of gasoline-burning engines, which would ensure that the world's primary fuel supply became oil, the diesel engine's fuel flexibility was a threat.
Kaiser Wilhelm II struggled to obtain a fuel source for Germany’s diesel engines, until he set his sights on controlling crude oil exportation from the Middle East. In 1910, Germany began work on the Berlin-Baghdad Railway. German forces moved into the Persian Gulf, setting off a chain reaction of international threats. The Kaiser leveraged his close relationship with the Ottoman Empire to counterbalance the alliance between France, Russia, and Great Britain.
In 1912, to lower political tensions, Germany and the UK agreed to mutually de-escalate the pace of building arms without disarmament. The Kaiser proposed a plan for the two countries to limit their defense budgets. Wilhelm II also promised to reduce the production of German dreadnoughts in line with Britain. While the British war minister felt triumphant in the deal, Churchill figured out the Kaiser's true intention: Wilhelm would stop building dreadnoughts because he would focus on developing other naval weapons, like the submarine fleet. Britain stopped seeing the arms race as a diplomatic tool, now viewing it as a precursor to actual military engagement.
In 1913, Rudolf Diesel published his book Die Entstehung des Dieselmotor (The Emergence of the Diesel Engine), vacationed in Italy and Bavaria with Martha, toured the newest Zeppelin ship, and gave his son Eugen 10,000 marks as a study fund. Diesel also met with foreign dignitaries, hosting extravagant dinner parties, including one for over 100 American engineers who visited the Augsburg Diesel plant. Chester Nimitz, a decorated US naval officer, apprenticed with Diesel specifically to learn how to use diesel technology. However, by October 1913, Germany banned MAN from further foreign communications.
War loomed. When the Greek diesel-powered submarine Delfin launched a self-propelled torpedo at an enemy ship, the event led to even more expansive use of diesel engines in the military, pushing the world to the brink. Germany announced a drastic increase to their military budget, surpassing that of all other European powers.
In June 1913, Charles Parsons and George Carels, a prominent diesel licensee, invited Diesel to join them in England. Diesel planned to meet Carels in Ghent and travel the rest of the way together. By the end of the summer, Diesel gathered all his papers, landmark documents, notes, and schematics and donated them to the national museum. He then walked his son Rudolf Jr. through the house, reviewing which key fit what lock and where important documents and information were kept. Diesel visited his daughter Heddy and spent time with his grandchildren. His relationship with Heddy had grown distant after she married Arnold von Schmidt, a staunch nationalist, but they enjoyed each other's company again during his visit.
In September, Diesel left to meet Carels in Ghent. Before he left, Rudolf gifted his wife an elegant overnight bag, having her promise to wait to open it until he had been gone for a week. He gave Martha and their son Eugen inscribed copies of his book. On September 20, Scientific American published an article concluding that the diesel engine was on its way to becoming the dominant form of locomotive power in the United States, boosting Diesel’s spirits. Diesel joined Carels at an exhibition of the newest diesel engines. They were promising, but Diesel estimated 20 more years of work would perfect the engine. While in Ghent, Diesel wrote his family heartfelt letters alleging that manipulations of petroleum trusts had led to setbacks in diesel engine production.
On September 29, 1913, Rudolf Diesel, his chief engineer Alfred Laukman, and George Carels boarded the SS Dresden, a passenger ferry that would take them to England from Ghent. The trio had dinner together, walked on the promenade deck, and then retired for the night. The following day, Laukman and Carels arrived at breakfast at an agreed-upon time, but Diesel did not. Carels checked on him, but Diesel was not in his room. The crew searched for Diesel and discovered his hat and coat placed neatly on the rail of the promenade deck, seemingly marking where Diesel must have gone overboard. In Diesel’s room, his key ring, pocket watch, pillbox, eyeglasses, coin purse, and penknife were missing. On September 30, the Dresden docked at Parkeston Quay, Harwich, and alerted authorities to Diesel’s disappearance. Immediately, the German Vice Consul started an investigation. However, no further evidence was found.
Diesel’s disappearance took place in international waters, preventing any nation from launching formal proceedings. There were no official records, coroner’s report, or serious criminal investigation. However, the vanishing quickly became a media sensation as journalists guessed what fate could have befallen the influential inventor. To Brunt, contemporary information about Diesel’s disappearance seems almost intentionally confused.
Part 3 primarily explores the theme of Militarism and Industrial Innovation. This section of the book lays out the various military applications of Diesel’s technology—uses that not only shifted the focus of engineers and manufacturers but also changed the trajectory of Rudolf Diesel’s life.
National interests quickly put an end to Diesel’s internationalist ideals. As Diesel consulted firms worldwide, Germany’s MAN, the first engineering firm that had invested in Diesel’s engine, filed a lawsuit to stop him from sharing knowledge and progress made by MAN’s engineers. The suit was directly tied to the Kaiser’s interest in keeping Germany ahead in the arms race as the country geared up for war. Military and political ambitions shut down information sharing, slowing scientific progress and discovery and counteracting Diesel’s initial licensee contract clause requiring all firms to participate in creating a knowledge database for all diesel engine manufacturers to have access to the latest developments: “Rudolf’s former colleagues-turned-antagonists sought to contain and control his expertise” (200). As political tensions grew, governments became secretive about what they saw as proprietary military technology, of which Diesel’s engine was now a large part. Indeed, many of the diesel technology applications detailed in Part 3 were created by firms working under military contracts, driven by the pressure of the arms race. Instead of progressing together, engineering firms had to spend time rediscovering advances other countries’ firms had already made.
The case of submarines allows Brunt to illustrate how nationalism and militarism impact industry. In capitalist economies, governments pressure private companies to meet military goals through lucrative manufacturing contracts. For Britain and Germany, building the superior submarine was a prime focus of the early 20th-century arms race. By 1911, Britain had revived their neglected diesel program, while Germany continued to push its firms to build better and better U-boats. For example, “MAN now felt the crack of the Kaiser’s whip. [...] MAN’s resources for building Diesel marine engines were allocated almost exclusively to delivering larger and more reliable U-boat engines for the Kaiser” (202). MAN’s contract with the German military gave this firm the resources to develop new technologies, but only in one direction: Instead of focusing on peacetime uses for diesel engines, MAN focused their efforts on military applications, such as submarines, airplanes, trucks, and tanks. Nationalism, Brunt argues, stunts progress by isolating the greatest scientific minds, blocking any chance of shared progress, and directing research rather than allowing discovery.
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