48 pages • 1 hour read
Anderson Cooper, Katherine HoweA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
In this chapter, Cooper and Howe examine upper-class New York society during the Gilded Age and how the Vanderbilt family began to fit into it. For a time, the Vanderbilts were shut out of it completely, as they were not part of the group of old families who had dominated New York society since the Dutch era. The Commodore himself was fabulously wealthy but crude and uneducated; he made no attempt to ingratiate himself into this group. His children and grandchildren did, however, and Chapters 4 and 5 tell how they went about gaining entrance.
After the Civil War, two people came to dictate who “belonged” to New York society—and who did not. One was Caroline Astor, born to an old Dutch family and the wife of William Astor Jr., a member of the wealthy Astor family. The other, Ward McAllister, was not a member of New York society himself but rather an arbiter of Old World taste and sophistication. He had traveled widely in Europe, making “a careful study of all aspects of social life: court manners, architecture, fashion, food, drink, watering spots, dances” (76). These he imparted to Caroline Astor, and together they determined who should be the ruling members of New York society.
In 1872, McAllister established a group called the Society of Patriarchs that sponsored a series of debutante balls to introduce members of this posh new society. Whoever was invited to one of these balls was in. He also set up a list of “the Four Hundred”—those considered part of this group—which eventually became the New York Social Register. For her part, Astor held some of the balls at her palatial town house on Fifth Avenue and presided over the social functions. With the Vanderbilts and other nouveau riche families excluded, they fought back. One prominent venue for high society was the Academy of Music, where operas were held. The Academy had a limited number of viewing boxes, owned by members of the most prominent families. Those from new money who were excluded, including Billy Vanderbilt, banded together and built their own musical hall, the Metropolitan Opera House. It opened to great success, putting the older musical hall out of business within two years. Astor and McAllister began to lose their control over high society, particularly when the latter wrote a memoir about many of the old guard families. Though it was largely flattering, the rich preferred greater discretion. In the end, money did the talking: new or old, it alone came to dominate New York society.
Here the authors explain how the Vanderbilts forced open the upper echelon of New York high society to finally become established as one of the top families. In the same year as the opening of the Metropolitan Opera House, the wife of one of the Commodore’s grandsons threw a ball that was the talk of the town such that the family could no longer be ignored. Their acceptance was never about having enough money; they had more than anyone else. Instead, it was about the recentness in which it was earned. The family had simply not been prominent long enough for the rules set by the self-appointed arbiters, Caroline Astor and Ward McAllister. Astor had determined that anyone in high society had to be at least two generations removed from the ancestor who had made the family fortune—and thus sullied his hands in labor. The Vanderbilt grandsons just fit that bill.
Two of Billy’s sons received the most attention and the bulk of the Vanderbilt money when he died in 1885. Billy was the only descendant of the Commodore to add to the family fortune, doubling it to over $200 million. Billy’s son Cornelius II, called “Corneil,” was the more business-minded and involved in the family’s companies. His younger brother William was “a party boy” (95), more attuned to the finer pleasures in life. Their wives, Alice and Alva, respectively, competed with each other to make a splash in the social scene and break Caroline Astor’s grip on it. It was Alva, with her costume ball in March 1883, who succeeded. It took place after the usual ball season had ended, and in the months leading up to it, Alva worked the press by dropping details to build anticipation.
According to the custom at the time, women of high society held open certain hours during the afternoon when they would accept visitors. All the “right families” knew when everyone else’s hours were and were driven in their carriages to pay a social call. Yet neither host nor guest actually expected to spend time together in the host’s home; more often than not the visitor would send her footman to the door with her calling card, where one of the host’s servants would accept on behalf of the host. This elaborate game thus established who “belonged” to high society. Because Caroline Astor had never called on Alva Vanderbilt, the latter did not plan to invite Astor’s daughter Carrie to her ball. This forced Mrs. Astor’s hand, and she reluctantly paid a call on Alva so her daughter would not be excluded from what promised to be the social event of the year.
When the day of the ball arrived, crowds of people who had read about it in the papers gathered in the streets near the Vanderbilt home to try to catch a glimpse of the attendees. The press was also out in force to report on every detail. Mrs. Astor herself attended with her daughter. She and Alva were both dressed as Venetian princesses, with Astor draped in diamond necklaces. As for Alva, she wore pearls that once belonged to Catherine the Great. At the time, pearls were the rarer item, as culturing had not been developed. Alva won acceptance into society and was invited to Mrs. Astor’s ball the first time the following year. Alva supposedly spent $250,000 (worth over $6 million today) on the event. Next to an article on the party in the New York Times, the authors note, was a report on the recovery of 72 bodies from a mining disaster in Illinois. The state set aside $10,000 (about $268,000 at the time of the book’s publication) to distribute among all the families of the victims.
This chapter is about the marriage of Alva’s daughter Consuelo to the Duke of Marlborough. Through this story, the authors relate the ironclad domination of Alva over her daughter. Consuelo had wanted to marry another man, Winthrop Rutherford, also a member of society’s “Four Hundred,” but not good enough for Alva. The top families were no longer limiting themselves to American “royalty.” Now, people like Alva set their sights on actual royalty from Europe. The circumstances at the time were such that while the American upper class was gaining wealth, many in the European upper class were losing it. Thus, American money sought out aristocratic titles for the best of both worlds. This was Alva’s dream for her daughter.
Everything was planned and controlled by Alva, and Consuelo had no say in the matter. Alva’s own marriage was breaking up due to her husband Willie’s dalliance with a young French woman. After Consuelo and the Duke met in 1894, Alva had invited him to be a guest of the family in the summer of 1895. It was then that he was expected to propose to Consuelo. When Consuelo told her mother of her plans to marry Rutherford, the two had a furious row late into the night. Afterward, Consuelo was told that Alva had suffered a heart attack and the doctor feared she would have another if confronted with Consuelo’s continuing obstinance. When Consuelo gave in, Alva made a miraculous and rapid recovery. In early fall, the Duke proposed and Alva agreed, though “there was no expression of sentiment on either side” (129).
The wedding was held in New York on November 6. Consuelo’s father, Willie, was present to walk her down the aisle and then was told by Alva to disappear. No member of the Vanderbilt family was invited except Consuelo’s grandmother—who declined to attend since no one else was welcome. An agreement had been hashed out in advance with lawyers and representatives on each side, detailed how much Vanderbilt money the Duke would receive upon the marriage. Consuelo was horrified at the attention from the press, the nasty gossip, and her lack of control.
These three chapters complete the idea embodied in the name of Part 1 of the book: “Rise.” The first three chapters are about the Vanderbilts making their fortune, while Chapters 4-6 describe how they went about increasing their stature and becoming accepted members of New York high society. To do this, the authors first explain the landscape of high society at that time—how it was defined, composed, and controlled. The two figures at the heart of that story are Caroline Astor and Ward McAllister, who are the focus of Chapter 4. The theme of The Use and Misuse of Money is developed in these three chapters, as the Vanderbilts’ climb to the top ranks of society involves great outlays of cash on mansions, on funds to help found the Metropolitan Opera, and on parties. The family is reaching its peak here at the height of the Gilded Age while at the same time setting the stage for its downfall. Expenditures begin to weigh on the family fortune, as not enough is done by any of the family members to replenish the coffers.
Alva Vanderbilt’s lavish ball described in Chapter 5 is only the most expensive example of the money spent on parties. This chapter also brings in the theme of The Effects of Fame, as Alva works the press to build anticipation for her ball. She has a keen sense of how to use the media and maintain some control over it. Once the genie is out of the bottle, however, things often take on a life of their own, and later generations felt the effects that media attention brought with little or no control over it and with considerably fewer positive aspects than it brought Alva. Her own daughter is a prime example of this. In Chapter 6, the authors describe Consuelo’s marriage to an impoverished British aristocrat and go into some detail about how the press contributed to the swirl of gossip that added to Consuelo’s unhappiness about the arranged marriage.
Cooper and Howe often use a technique called in medias res to begin the book’s chapters. This is the method of starting a story in the middle of the action—often at a crucial moment—as a way of engaging the reader’s interest. Two of the three chapters here open that way. Chapter 5 starts, “The crowds had begun to gather in the afternoon” (91), while Chapter 6 begins, “Consuelo Vanderbilt was sobbing” (111). In both instances the reader wants to know why; reading on, they then learn the background that led to the moment in the opening. Note, too, the connection to the theme about fame discussed in the paragraph above. Not only do these openings catch the reader’s attention, they also involve The Effects of Fame, which the authors develop further in each chapter.
Just as the Introduction notes, the focus of the book is on how individuals felt and perceived the events they lived through, and the chapters here are example of that. In Chapter 6, for example, the authors draw on Consuelo Vanderbilt’s later memoir The Glitter and the Gold, published in the 1950s, to fill in her thoughts and feelings as she went through with the marriage arranged by her mother. This is how the authors can include such information as the following: “Consuelo mopped her eyes alone, with no sound but the steady breathing of the footman who’d been posted outside her bedroom door to prevent her escape” (111). These kinds of details help put the reader into the scene and feel what Consuelo felt.
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