Where Do We Go From Here

In Chapter 4, King explores the ambivalences and predicaments of African Americans in the quest for justice. The theme of The intersection of Race, Class, and Gender in the Struggle for Liberation recurs as King analyzes the condition of African Americans through a Black male lens. King appeals to pathos, arguing that “the central quality in the Negro’s life is pain” (109), then ties pathos to logos (an appeal to logic), using his understanding of American history and social organization to trace the roots of that pain. King notes that Black people are traumatized by “a history of slavery and family disorganization” (110). Here, King responds to the racist discourse of the period, which often blamed Black people for the social instability found in the segregated communities of the Northern cities. In 1965, just two years before Where Do We Go from Here was published, white scholar and politician Daniel Patrick Moynihan published a report on the causes of Black poverty in the US. The report was enormously influential, shaping public policy and discourse for years to come, but King and others noted that it missed the mark in blaming African American families themselves for problems that had been created by racist power structures.

King responds to the arguments found in the Moynihan Report by emphasizing that Black family structures reflect the pressures placed on Black survival. The crisis facing Black families has its roots in enslavement, and King praises the resilience of the families who “struggled to survive […] against emotional corruption and destruction” (112). In examining The Intersection of Race, Class, and Gender in the Struggle for Liberation, though, King’s focus on Black men’s perspectives is apparent. King argues that because Black women had more, although limited, employment opportunities as caretakers than Black men, a “matriarchy” was able to develop as the women supported their households. As a result, Black men felt oppressed in a society dominated by white men, but also “subordinated to women in [their] own society” (113). Black men’s feelings of emasculation and continual racial disclination caused emotional turmoil. Oppression exacerbated their inner rage and made them self-destructive and hopeless: “Some men, unable to contain the emotional storms, struck out at those who would be least likely to destroy them. They beat their wives and their children in order to protest a social injustice” (114). Ultimately, King notes that the crisis in Black families is “culturally and socially induced” (115), but the people are determined to survive. While King decentralizes the experiences of Black women, his arguments attribute the crises of Black communities to racial oppression and demonstrate the necessity for Black men to claim their humanity.

King describes Black people’s dilemma as a choice between hope and despair, and he acknowledges that despair often seems eminently reasonable, while hope can feel untenable in the face of so much injustice. The theme of The Persistence of Racism and the Hope for Social Change reemerges as King asserts that to be Black in America is “to hope against hope” (120). King notes that the “ghettos” of the North are subject to economic exploitation and oppression. Despite inadequate housing, criminality, and lack of education that perpetuates subordinate states for Black people, King notes that the “ghetto life” is not a “monolithic unit” of misery (120). King finds hope and possibilities in families and youth. He emphasizes that Black people must confront the ambivalence between hope and despair as often “life demands the perpetual doing of the impossible” (127). King urges African Americans to choose hope and stand united as a community against injustice. To illustrate his point and provide solutions, King returns to his ideology of Black empowerment. King reiterates the significance of self-development and racial pride, noting that Black people must develop a “sense of somebodyness” (130) to counter the shame that white supremacy has imposed on them. He adds that courage, a key trait in the racial struggle, is also a “potent weapon in achieving self-respect (131). Simultaneously, he encourages a feeling of community, suggesting the development of a “group identity” as a key tool in political empowerment. King emphasizes his fundamental agreement with key ideas of Black power, advocating for self-determination and a new “self-image” for Black people.

To emphasize the need for immediate and direct action in the 1960s, King presents his own proposals for the movement’s strategies. Through the development of specific programs for Black youth and families, King demonstrates the possibilities of development in segregated urban communities. Countering the strategy of separatism, King stresses that the movement must support federal programs against racial injustice and increase Black political participation as a tool for empowerment. King also supports a multiracial approach to activist alliances as necessary in the fight against economic injustice. Ultimately, King proposes a “radical restructuring of the architecture of American society” for humanity and justice for all people (141). King envisions that the movement should bring new ideas and values into American society that would contribute to radical social change.