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61 pages 2 hours read

Whittaker Chambers

Witness: Cold War Classics

Nonfiction | Autobiography / Memoir | Adult | Published in 1952

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Chapters 7-9Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 7 Summary: “Underground: The Second Apparatus”

Chapter 7, “Underground: The Second Apparatus,” begins with Chambers’s identification of a small core of upper-middle class professionals—most notably Alger Hiss—whom he regards as having had a greater impact on the political fate of humankind than any similarly sized group in history. Hiss also names Harold Ware as prominent Communist. Ware had built a peerless network of collaborators within the US government and other powerful social circles. Chambers believes the New Deal facilitated radical socialists’ rise through Washington’s ranks by creating a bevy of worker-oriented programs, none of which were guarded themselves against Communist infiltration.

Chambers eventually moves from New York to Washington, DC, where he becomes an agent for Ware. In this new circle, he meets Alger Hiss and his wife Priscilla, along with many other prominent officials in the State and Treasury departments. Rather than engage in the dangerous espionage, Ware’s group coaxed agents to shift US policy towards pro-Communist positions.

The Chambers hire a Black maid and insist that she share the table with them at dinner: a point on which Chambers notes an overlap between Communist and Christian teachings.

Chambers becomes strongly associated with Hiss, who initially regards Chambers as a Russian. Accordingly, Hiss treats him with great generosity. Chambers and Esther build their friendship with the Hisses, enjoying both a covert professional relationship and a warmly vivacious private friendship.

Chambers and Hiss both combined ideological seriousness and ironic playfulness, which made them kindred spirits. Hiss was compelling, a mild-mannered gentleman, albeit one who could also speak with unbridled malice toward humanity. Yet a slight class difference endured between them: Hiss once rebuked Chambers for his poor teeth.

Chambers begins to work for a Red Army officer named “Bill.” Their goal is to reorganize the courier system between British and American Communists. Chambers also learns about Party efforts to procure false passports for spies to travel inside the United States. Efforts to reorganize the courier network in England make little process, so Ware’s group decides to focus on building up contacts in Japan instead. Chambers successfully recruiting a Japanese American citizen to form the core of a new spy network.

Hiss finds Chambers the farmhouse that he had always wanted, and will eventually buy. On an early inspection of the house, Chambers sees Hiss talking to wild birds with great joy and levity.

Hiss then moves to the Justice Department, where he plans to expand the network further than ever. Ware dies, leaving his group leaderless. Chambers asserts an informal authority by blocking one stubborn member’s bid for formal leadership. 

Hiss changes jobs again, becoming Assistant Secretary of State to President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Chambers begins to meet many of the associates who will have roles to play in Hiss’s future trials. One friend of Hiss resists recruitment into the Ware group on the grounds that he is already working for a different Communist cell. This strongly suggests that local DC Communists formally split.

The Ware group acquires Harry Dexter White as a “fellow traveler,” who is an ally but not a formal affiliate with it. Chambers eventually meets the other local network, which is under the leadership of one David Carpenter. Carpenter resents Chambers as a potential threat to his power.

The network in Japan collapses, and one of its agents tries to shift blame onto Chambers by calling him a Trotskyite. Chambers survives the accusation and hunts down Ludwig Lore, a legendary old Communist living in Brooklyn. Chambers befriends him, despite being wary of his family’s denunciations of the Communist Party. Chambers later learns that the Soviets are keeping an eye on Loring, who eventually denounces Chambers.

The Chambers family lives with the Hisses for a time. The Chambers later move to a rural stone house, where their second child is born.

The Ware network takes a major hit when the dentist, distraught over the death of his daughter, can no longer provide them with a safe meeting spot. Chambers encounters a forger who suddenly falls on the wrong side of the Party line, after which he disappears and is never heard from again, leaving behind a grieving widow.

Chambers receives a letter from his handler in which he explains that Chambers is to be assigned a new handler. Through coded language, his original handler tells Chambers to be careful.

Chambers addresses critics who view Hiss as a martyr for having gone to prison without informing on his friends. Chamber insists that Hiss is no hero, that his silence helps to protect the guilty from accountability.

Chapter 8 Summary: “Colonel Boris Bykov”

Chapter 8, “Colonel Boris Bykov,” begins with Chambers clarifying that his network was full of “sleepers,” who perform minor tasks until called to do something more vital. The time for Chambers’s cell to awaken came in 1936, after he meets his new handler, Boris Bykov. Chambers regards Bykov as officious and incompetent.

More of Chambers’s friends fall victim to expulsion or effective imprisonment in the Soviet Union. Bykov comes to suspect Chambers for his efforts to secure some of these friends’ release. Chambers does not understand his friends’ references to Party members as “those murderers” (411).

Chambers leaves the underground for the public-facing Party. Shortly thereafter, Bykov horrifies Chambers with his idea of paying sources for information, which Chambers believes would offend their sensibilities as committed ideologues. Bykov orders expensive rugs for the most valuable sources in Washington, including Hiss and White (the rugs would later factor into Chambers’s case against Hiss). Bykov also demands more information on Germany and Japan from Hiss. Bykov asks whether Hiss can recruit his younger brother, who also worked in the State Department. Despite his boorish character, Bykov proves persuasive to Hiss and others. Chambers surmises that the most dedicated Communists always defer to the doer more than the thinker, since the whole point is to hasten revolution in the capitalist world.

Chambers describes the methodology his cell employs for passing documents to and from government officials to their handlers. Some of their operations were amateurish failures. Nevertheless, Chambers believes that men like Hiss and White pose an existential danger to the country, which will only get worse in the years to come.

Bykov wants Chambers to exact greater discipline on White, who is only a fellow traveler and not formally aligned with the Party. This effort results in embarrassment when they send a case of vodka to a different Harry White.

Other agents enter government service but fail to provide worthwhile information. Chambers occasionally runs into agents he has not seen in many years, and had presumed to be dead. Some of these people will resurface during the Hiss trials. His Japanese agent appears yet again, only to die a suspicious death in his twenties.

Chambers concludes that Bykov is a dull and spiteful creature who cheered on Stalin’s purges and could form no meaningful relationships with the people around him. However, Bykov is possessed of profound musical sensibilities.

Chambers replays the memories of his time in the underground, the genuine friendships he had there and his network’s clumsy attempts at tradecraft. Chambers continues to waver in his loyalty to Communism as the purges peek. With a young family and no plan for the future, Chambers relies on his trust in Esther and faith in a higher power to sustain the hope that he can flee with his family and to safety.

Chapter 9 Summary: “The Division Front”

Chapter 9, “The Division Front,” brings Chambers back to his childhood recollections. He thinks of a man in the midst of a storm who asked God, in German, whether a cry for help would be enough to grant him divine assistance. Chambers wonders the same thing himself as he prepares to break with the Party. He holds himself responsible for acting like the worst product of the 20th century: the rational man who rejected God and thereby brought himself and his family to ruin. Communism is the ultimate, if not the only, model of such an atheistic faith.

Although he has still not converted to Christianity, he is on a path towards it. and He will later recognize his current position in life as his first and most dangerous step towards committed religious belief.

Chapters 7-9 Analysis

Communist theory pitted factory bosses, business owners, and bankers—the people who own nearly all material goods—against their underpaid workers. Marx predicted that the crisis of capitalism would grow steadily worse as its economic techniques and policy preferences allocated more material resources to fewer people. Eventually, the ranks of the proletariat would become so large and desperate that they would overwhelm the monied classes and establish full democratic control over the means of production. In short, the original cadre of Communists believed that radical social inequality would inevitably lead to revolution.

Problematically, the workers of the world proved unable or unwilling to fulfill the revolutionary task that Marx and Engels had assigned them. Social inequality did not invariably translate into the overthrow of governments around the world. In the hopes of solving this problem, the pro-Communist Russian political theorist Vladimir Lenin introduced the concept of a “revolutionary vanguard” comprised of an ideologically disciplined social elite recruited from the more educated and economically stable parts of society. Lenin felt these backgrounds gave people the time to internalize the nuances of Marxist-Leninist theory, as well as to make contacts with the upper echelons of society that would prove useful to the Communist cause. The job of these elites was to guide the masses towards revolution—or even carry it out that revolution on the masses’ behalf. Once the vanguards had provided the Party with access to political and economic power, Lenin argued, the Communist revolution would finally occur.

Chambers’s latter years in the Communist underground coincide with the high-water mark of Lenin’s revolutionary vanguard strategy as it occurred in the United States. Chambers’s list of FDR administration members with connections to the Party offers convincing evidence for the fact that many Americans were at least sympathetic to the notion of a socialist revolution. Yet Chambers’s description of his time in the underground again undercuts his dire portrait of Communist infiltration and its consequences. For people like Hiss, espionage was an elaborate parlor game, a pretension to seriousness without much impact on the balance of fortunes between the capitalist and Communist worlds. Their dedication to tradecraft appeared primarily intended to give social elites a chance to play at being clandestine agents, and usually involved little more than maintaining periodic contact with each other. It is therefore unsurprising that the Ware group’s attempts to set up clandestine networks in London and then Japan collapsed due to bad luck, poor organization, or individual frailty. In reality, the revolutionary vanguard did not come remotely close to sparking a revolution—and it was never clear that most of the ostensible “revolutionaries” even seriously wanted one.

Soviet chaos and intimidation were also force multipliers for the Communist movement’s inadequacies. Communist agents had far more to fear from their Soviet handlers and the ever-changing political whims of Moscow than they ever did from the FBI. Over time, the quality of Chambers’s handlers declined until he was left with arrogant yet cowardly Boris Bykov. Bykov’s toxic combination of incompetence and ideological flexibility made him the perfect vessel for Stalinism: opportunistic enough to adopt whatever idea Stalin passed down, but too stupid to ever pose a serious practical threat to Stalin’s power. There were countless versions of Bykov packed into the global Soviet apparatus. Their inefficiencies and self-serving opportunism were as much to blame for the failure of the Communist revolution as were those of the revolutionary vanguard.

Taken as a whole, Chambers’s experience of the Communist movement in these chapters confirms the wisdom not of Marx, Engels, or Lenin, but of the Black American author Octavia Butler. In one of her science-fiction novels, she cautions, “Choose your leaders with wisdom and forethought. […] To be led by a fool is to be led by the opportunists who control the fool” (Butler, Octavia. Parable of the Talents. Grand Central Publishing, 1998).

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